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The Universalistic Conception of The Civilization in The Social and Philosophical Thought of Pope John Paul II

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Modrzejewski A.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2006
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vol. 35
33-42
EN
Karol Wojtyla (1920–2005), later to become Pope John Paul II (since 1978), was one of the greatest contemporary thinkers. He was a Christian philosopher and Catholic theologian. His thought exerted an in! uence on diverse generations and representatives of many cultures, religions and nations. He was an authority not only for Catholics but also for many infidels and even atheists. He often made controversies because of His firm opinions. He was an aim of liberal as well as conservative critique. The liberals criticized Him due to His uncompromising and conservative attitude to female priesthood, homosexuality, contraception and abortion. The conservatives accused Him of apologizing and conciliatory tone of His voice in relationships with other religions, especially with Jews and Muslims. Because these parts of His thought became most controversial, they were and usually are commented on and analysed by world mass media. But few people found Him a leading contemporary theoretician of civilization despite the fact that He constructed a coherent theory of civilization that is unfortunately distracted in His numerous papers. And my article is dedicated to this theory. I would like to present the core of His civilization’s conception.
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Kościół a polityka. Rozważania wokół aktywności politycznej duchowieństwa rzymskokatolickiego podczas wyborów prezydenckich 2010 roku

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Modrzejewski A.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2010
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issue 4
45-60
EN
The campaign preceding the early presidential elections in 2010 reminded Polish society of the strong position the Catholic Church holds in political life, and mainly its role in the political system. In the context of the latest elections, it was observed that the Church went beyond the framework of its evangelization mission to enter realms it has long been driven out from in other modern states. This breaches the principle of the secular character of the state, its neutral point of view and separation (autonomy) of state and Church. This paper is limited to the presentation of the Polish Church’s political standpoint. The involvement of Catholic clergy in the presidential campaign serves only as a background to present the larger problem of political involvement of the clergy in general. Therefore, the main research issue is not the question of the forms of political activity which members of the Church assume, although some exemplifications are present in this paper, but rather what justifies the involvement of the Church in politics. It is demonstrated that neither theological doctrine nor the normative theory of democracy sufficiently justifies the active participation of the clergy in politics. It is also stressed, however, that the Church cannot be prohibited from partaking in public debate unless democratic principles are breached. Yet the Church’s involvement needs to fulfill one condition: it has to approve the principles of democratic discourse, such as the equal rights of different standpoints and the approval of the principle of relativity in political communication.
PL
The campaign preceding the early presidential elections in 2010 reminded Polish society of the strong position the Catholic Church holds in political life, and mainly its role in the political system. In the context of the latest elections, it was observed that the Church went beyond the framework of its evangelization mission to enter realms it has long been driven out from in other modern states. This breaches the principle of the secular character of the state, its neutral point of view and separation (autonomy) of state and Church. This paper is limited to the presentation of the Polish Church’s political standpoint. The involvement of Catholic clergy in the presidential campaign serves only as a background to present the larger problem of political involvement of the clergy in general. Therefore, the main research issue is not the question of the forms of political activity which members of the Church assume, although some exemplifications are present in this paper, but rather what justifies the involvement of the Church in politics. It is demonstrated that neither theological doctrine nor the normative theory of democracy sufficiently justifies the active participation of the clergy in politics. It is also stressed, however, that the Church cannot be prohibited from partaking in public debate unless democratic principles are breached. Yet the Church’s involvement needs to fulfill one condition: it has to approve the principles of democratic discourse, such as the equal rights of different standpoints and the approval of the principle of relativity in political communication.
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W stronę politologii humanistycznej. Przyczynek do studiów nad znaczeniem interpretacji cywilizacyjnej w podejściu metodologicznym Andrzeja Jana Chodubskiego

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Modrzejewski A.
Cywilizacja i Polityka
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2017
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vol. 15
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issue 15
19-32
EN
The paper is dedicated to the methodological approach of Andrzej Jan Chodubski (1952–2017), one of the most prominent Polish political scientists and co-creator of political science at the University of Gdansk. His attitude could be defined as humanistic. He used in his researches and reflections a method called civilizational interpretation. This method gives a holistic and integral perspective which could be useful also for political science and political practice.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest podejściu metodologicznemu profesora Andrzeja Chodubskiego (1952–2017), który należy do grona najbardziej znaczących postaci polskiej politologii, współtwórcy gdańskiego ośrodka politologicznego. Jego prace cechują się zarówno interdyscyplinarnością, jak i humanistycznym oglądem rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej i kulturowej. W swoich badaniach posługiwał się metodą określaną mianem interpretacji cywilizacyjnej. Metoda ta pozwala na ujęcie badanej rzeczywistości w sposób holistyczny i integralny; może być użyteczną także na gruncie politologii, na co wskazuje analiza prac Andrzeja Chodubskiego.
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Refleksja na kanwie badań ks. Stefana Ewertowskiego nad nauczaniem Jana Pawła II. Przyczynek do dyskusji o stanie i perspektywach studiów wojtyłologicznych

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Modrzejewski A.
Studia Elbląskie
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2021
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vol. 22
501-510
EN
Rev. Stefan Ewertowski, the professor emeritus of theology is one of the most original researchers of the thoughts of John Paul II. He is characterized by an interdisciplinary approach, linking philosophical, theological, cultural, historical and political aspects. His works focus mainly on vision of Europe of Karol Wojtyła – John Paul II. Thanks to the interdisciplinary approach, Wojtyła’s image of Europe appears as a universal project in which the Christian axiology and the vision of man is centre.
PL
Ksiądz Profesor Stefan Ewertowski należy do grona oryginalnych badaczy myśli papieża Jana Pawła II. Charakteryzuje się przy tym interdyscyplinarnym podejściem, łącząc wątki filozoficzne, teologiczne, kulturologiczne, historyczne i politologiczne. Jego prace koncentrują się głównie na europejskiej wizji Karola Wojtyły – Jana Pawła II. Dzięki interdyscyplinarnemu podejściu Wojtyłowy obraz Europy jawi się jako projekt uniwersalistyczny, w którego centrum stoi chrześcijańska aksjologia i wizja człowieka.
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„A Community of Values”. O modelu integracji europejskiej w myśli programowej Europejskiej Partii Ludowej

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Modrzejewski A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2007
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vol. 18
52-67
EN
This paper is devoted to the conception of European integration presented in the political programme of the European People’s Party (EPP), which is a federation of European Christian-Democratic and conservative parties. EPP is not a confession party but it defines itself as “a political party of values”. And these values are determined by Judeo-Christian and democratic traditions of European civilization. Members of EPP want to see Europe as “a community of values”. Canon of values concerns: freedom and responsibility, solidarity, justness, equality, subsidiary and democracy. They create unique and coherent axiological system. However freedom is the most important value, which is a base for others. Presented in EPP’s political programme system of values is foundation for specific proposals of European integration, whose European federation of states and regions is real aim.
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O europejskiej tożsamości Ukrainy w doktrynie Jana Pawła II

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Modrzejewski A.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2007
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issue 2
133-141
EN
John Paul II was renowned for his considerable competence in the issues of Eastern Europe and the dialogue between the Catholic and Orthodox faiths. To a large extent this followed from his biography. As a Slav among Latinists he had a completely different and much more direct outlook on those matters than his predecessors or Roman curial officers. He could understand the intricate relations between nations, denominations and cultures in this area. Therefore he devoted a considerable portion of his considerations to them. He also directed his attention to Ukraine. What was the most significant element in the reflection of John Paul II, former CardinalWojtyla, on the Ukraine, or – more broadly – on Eastern Slavs, was a strong emphasis on the European identity of Ukrainian nation and East-Slavic nations in general. The Polish Pope indicated that since its baptism in 988 the history of Kiev, Russia and its ‘spiritual’ inheritors form an integral part of the history of European civilization and culture. In his last book, published just before he died, the Pope analyzed the evangelization process of Eastern Slavs, including the present Ukrainians, and he stated without a shadow of doubt that “all that is a part of Europe’s history and to some extent shows the European nature itself.”
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Społeczny wymiar religii w myśli społeczno-filozoficznej Karola Wojtyły (1920–2005)

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Modrzejewski A.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2006
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vol. 15-14
213-225
EN
Karol Wojtyla (1920-2005) as pope John Paul II is one of the most influential thinkers in contemporary world. His social and philosophical concerns many divers issues. This article is dedicated to his conception of religion being social phenomena. Religion is not only relation between man and supernatural power, e.g. God. It is also power of social life, ordering relations inside society. It has potential to crate patterns of culture and even civilizations. Wojtyla speaks on religion as representative of Catholic hierarchy as well as Christian philosopher and theologian inspiring of Vaticanum Secundum. He tries his voice to be universal message. In spite of theological divagations on God, His nature and Church as a Corpus Christi, pope John Paul II considers human and social aspects of religion, its influence on social life and relationships between various religions. He notices that two opposing attitudes are characteristic for contemporary world and man. One is atheism, process of secularization and religious indifferentism. Its cause is in a wrongly understanding progress of science and technology. Some people believe that science and technology proves that God does not exist. The second attitude is an openly for spiritual and transcendental vision of life. It affirms existence of supernatural world. Wojtyla does not limit the religion to Catholic or Christian belief. He thinks that diverse religions give people an answer to the most elementary existential questions. He speaks on common soteriological root of all religions. That’s why he is a supporter of religion cooperation for dissemination of spiritual values and world peace. He promotes a religious freedom as one of the most important liberties and human right. Natural human dignity is its resource. And any form of religious discrimination is not acceptable. Every man and woman has a law to choose a confession, to practice of cult and to bring up children with own confession. Intrarelation in Christian community and Catholic Church is the largest part of John Paul’s social reflection on religion. He is a supporter of Christian unity. It should be base on liturgical, theological and disciplinary diversification. It does not mean homogeny uniformity. Common ground of all Christians should be una fides – the one faith. Speaking on Catholic Church Karol Wojtyla shows its proper function and structure as well as role of laymen. The Church is a depository of divine Truth and moral and ethic principles. It is to act for human being, society and world. He underlines role of laymen in the Church and in fulfillment of its mission, opposing tendency of marginalizing of lays. But he is sure of necessity of hierarchy’s existence intra the Church and different roles of laymen and clergy.
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Cywilizacyjno-kulturowy kontekst „pomarańczowej rewolucji” na Ukrainie

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Modrzejewski A.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2005
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issue 2
21-38
EN
The paper attempts to explain in civilizational terms the ‘orange revolution’ that has transformed Ukrainian internal and foreign policy. It is also a dispute with the standpoint of the American political scientist, Samuel P. Huntington, and manyWestern politicians who oversimplify the civilizational situation of Ukraine. They assume that Ukraine is divided in terms of civilization and that the main criterion for this division is related to religious denomination. Believers of the Catholic Church are thus supposed to determine the scope of European civilization whereas those of the Orthodox Church determine Byzantine civilization. This theory was falsified during the latest elections when both Catholics and Orthodox Christians from three communities in Ukraine voted for Viktor Yushchenko, a representative of a pro-European option. The noticeable division of the country seems to be a consequence of different levels of civilizational development rather than that of denomination. The pro-Russian option, represented by Viktor Yanukovych, emerged strongly in the industrial east of Ukraine, where nostalgia for the Soviet Union is the strongest and post-Soviet identity is a pre- dominating paradigm of group identity. The agricultural west, free from the Soviet ‘modernization’, and post-industrial Kiev chose the European direction as they voted for the pro-European candidate, Yushchenko. The success of the ‘orange revolution’ and Yushchenko’s victory in the third round significantly changed the geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union. The position of Russia in this region was somewhat weakened. It has also raised hopes for the democratization of such countries as Byelorussia or the Russian Federation, at present witnessing the rejection of principles and values of liberal democracy.
PL
The paper attempts to explain in civilizational terms the ‘orange revolution’ that has transformed Ukrainian internal and foreign policy. It is also a dispute with the standpoint of the American political scientist, Samuel P. Huntington, and manyWestern politicians who oversimplify the civilizational situation of Ukraine. They assume that Ukraine is divided in terms of civilization and that the main criterion for this division is related to religious denomination. Believers of the Catholic Church are thus supposed to determine the scope of European civilization whereas those of the Orthodox Church determine Byzantine civilization. This theory was falsified during the latest elections when both Catholics and Orthodox Christians from three communities in Ukraine voted for Viktor Yushchenko, a representative of a pro-European option. The noticeable division of the country seems to be a consequence of different levels of civilizational development rather than that of denomination. The pro-Russian option, represented by Viktor Yanukovych, emerged strongly in the industrial east of Ukraine, where nostalgia for the Soviet Union is the strongest and post-Soviet identity is a pre- dominating paradigm of group identity. The agricultural west, free from the Soviet ‘modernization’, and post-industrial Kiev chose the European direction as they voted for the pro-European candidate, Yushchenko. The success of the ‘orange revolution’ and Yushchenko’s victory in the third round significantly changed the geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union. The position of Russia in this region was somewhat weakened. It has also raised hopes for the democratization of such countries as Byelorussia or the Russian Federation, at present witnessing the rejection of principles and values of liberal democracy.
9

The Personalistic Aspect of Truth and Dialogue in the Context of Karol Wojtyła’s Philosophy: John Paul II’s Ethics of Media

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Modrzejewski A.
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2016
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vol. 7
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issue 1
4–17
EN
This article offers analysis of a personalistic dimension of truth and dialogue in normative ethics of media communication by Karol Wojtyła who is better known as Pope John Paul II. Karol Wojtyła was also a philosopher who was involved in the reflections devoted to epistemological issues, although it was not his main field of study. However, the issue of truth was often present in his philosophical and theological considerations. In Wojtyła’s earlier, pre-pontifical works, the reflection dedicated to the truth was a part of his anthropological and ethical conception. The notion of truth had a deep personalistic nature in the philosophy of Karol Wojtyła. It was the truth about a human being understood as a person. In later times of his intellectual activity, after being appointed as the Pope, he outlined a social dimension of truth that was understood as a base of human and social relations. It also concerned the facet of mass media which is reflected on in this text. The article is written from the perspective of the normative approach. It is typical for the ethics; however, the content of the study should rather be classified as metaethics because it is in fact a metareflection. The text is divided into five parts. Besides Introduction and Conclusions, there are also paragraphs dedicated to the personalistic dimension of the ethics in the light of philosophy and papal teachings of Karol Wojtyła – John Paul II, to the importance of truth in media as well as to the need of including real dialogue in the mediasphere. In the conclusion the author states that in the light of Wojtyła’s ethics of mass media, a depreciation of the value of the truth and dialogue makes mass media audiences liable for the propaganda and so-called total truths which are a perverse form of objective truth.
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