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EN
Young olds are a target group for active ageing policies. They are expected to stay economically active as long as possible, to take care of their family members, and at the same time to engage in leisure and self-development activities. Their activity is expected to promote generational equity. Through these expectations, young olds are homogenized on the basis of age, and important stratification factors such as gender, class, and ethnicity are not considered. In this article, mixed methods are used on the example of young olds in the Czech Republic to argue that young olds are often overloaded by their social roles. The negative effects of role overload mainly affect women with low economic capital. Role harmonization and choices of coping strategies are economically conditioned, despite the relatively flattened pensions.
EN
The paper focuses on the relation between chronological age and health. The author understands health decline as an indicator of the transition into the fourth age. Currently the definition of the fourth age has been somewhat unclear. Some of the authors consider the fourth age as a synonym of the oldest-old and they define individuals in the fourth age based on their chronological age, mostly between 75 and 80 years. From the perspective of social gerontology, however, such a view is insufficient. Fourth-agers might be characterized especially by the loss of agency, ability to care and to make decisions about themselves. The SHARE data analysis for the Czech Republic confirmed the connection between health decline, frailty and chronological age, but it is not easy to define the exact boundary of the fourth age. Ageing is undoubtedly very individual. The frequently used boundary of 75 years seems to be unsuitable since frailty and general health decline occur more after 80 in men and women. Although the quality of life of older adults declines apparently with age, the decline is more affected by health status than chronological age. Health and quality of life are significantly influenced by the cultural and economic capital of older adults. Older adults with basic education and low income are more at risk of poorer health and lower quality of life. There are also significant gender differences. Women are more fragile, the analysis of the impact of income and education showed, however, that the relationship of gender, health and quality of life is much more complicated. To reach higher quality of life, women benefit from higher income more than men, higher education, however, brings greater benefit to men. Generally, structural factors seem to intervene in health and quality of life significantly.
EN
Activity is currently an integral part of the ageing concepts and is becoming more of a normative pressure to select and perform "appropriate" activities in old age. Therefore, the paper focuses on the determinants of the active lifestyle and their change with age. It confirms the influence of age and health on the inclination towards a more passive way of life and the limitation of the number of activities with age. However, there is also a strong conditionality by cultural, economic and social capital. People with higher levels of capitals have a more pro-active lifestyle and fulfil a wider range of activities. There is also a certain tension between the preference of active lifestyle in old age and the lower level of actual fulfilment in older age.
EN
The Active Ageing Index was developed as a tool to monitor the potential for active and healthy ageing among European countries and to identify strengths and weaknesses in the country. It is used for policy setting in the ageing agenda. However broadly used, some methodological issues remain, and caution is necessary with its interpretation. Comparison of two countries is used for discussion of these issues. The Czech Republic and Slovakia shared a long history, joined in one state as Czechoslovakia. The current generations of older adults have spent most of their lives in that shared country. Yet, the now separate countries differ substantially in their positions in the Active Ageing Index, with Slovakia ranking much lower than the Czech Republic. In this article, the causes of the differences between the two countries are researched using a thorough comparison of survey indicator rankings, and explained with statistical data and the European Values Study survey 2017. Particular attention is paid to the indicators with the lowest and highest rankings. The results show surprisingly minor differences in most indicators. The most significant difference lay in older adults' employment and health situation, with Slovakia ranking lower. Together, these indicators are very powerful in the overall ranking of the Active Ageing Index.
EN
Environmentally oriented attitudes and values can be one of the sources of intergenerational tension or consent. Considering that climate change has become one of the major societal themes today, the issue of intergenerational tension or consent in approach to the environment is crucial. This issue could bring about a generational gap. Questions about intergenerational tensions bring us to age influence on environmental values. The influence of age on environmental values has been researched using the European Values Study (EVS) 1991 – 2017 in six countries. The cohort/age period effect is differentiated using cross-country comparison, comparison of age groups and cohorts. The results showed that the differences in environmental values are not affected by the cohort effect; age has only a weak influence. The period effect, the change in societies seems to be the major explaining factor. Great differences among European countries were found and this diversity is much higher than the effect of age.
EN
The aim of this study was to analyse the frequency and intensity of contact between parents and their adult children in the Czech Republic. Using data from the Life Roles survey collected in 2014 we first focused on the effects of selected characteristics of parents and offspring. Next, we added residential distance, trying to see whether it can account for the effect of some of these predictors. The results show that the odds of frequent contact were higher among mothers and when the child in question was a daughter; and lower among divorced and higher educated parents. Mothers also spent more time per week on average with their child than fathers. In addition, contact was more intensive with daughters, but less intensive if the parent was working, and if the child was married. Contact frequency and intensity were also negatively affected by the age of the youngest grandchild. Distance had a strong negative effect on both dependent variables, but mostly accounted for the effect of age on frequency of contact, and some of the effect of child’s marital status on contact intensity.
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