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EN
From the beginning of his research work Professor Grzegorz Leopold Seidler emphasized the need to study the real aspect of law. The starting point for a lawyer should always be the law, but in his/her studies s/he should not be content with the dogmatic method but should go beyond the circle of thought by using the sociological method. These ideas are contained already in one of the first studies by Professor G.L. Seidler Rozważania o normie ustrojowej (The Reflections on the Political Norm) and they are further developed in the next publications, in particular in the article W poszukiwaniu systemu wszechstronnej analizy prawa (In Search of a System of In-Depth Analysis of Law). The two foregoing studies are methodological. They present conceptions that should without doubt be regarded as innovative ideas. The Reflections… permit conclusions not confined only to the way of practicing the science of constitutional law but also to jurisprudence as a whole, which should discern relationships between law and social reality.
PL
W artykule nie zamieszczono abstraktu
EN
Deputies to the Sixth-Term Sejm [Parliament] (belonging to all the political parties) invoked public opinion in their speeches. In terms of percentage these cases are not very numerous – barely 2.4%, but it should be observed that the deputies frequently speaking in the parliamentary forum referred to public opinion more than once in a single speech. No significant difference in the frequencies of such references was found between the ruling coalition deputies and the opposition ones. Public opinion is treated as an important force that should not be disregarded not only during the election time but also after the elections when some parties strive to retain power while others to take it over. There were cases in which the government abandoned the planned legislative changes for fear of the reaction of public opinion. When referring to public opinion, the deputies play the roles of a tribune, analyst and trustee of the public interest. In the name of public opinion they ask questions and demand explanations; they present the public opinion’s position that will serve as a reinforcement of a deputy’s argument or enable criticism of solutions offered by others; they point to public opinion as a party to the process of making decisions serving the common good. It follows from the analyzed research material that when invoking public opinion the deputies use their intuitions about its position on a particular matter more often than opinion-polling results. If public opinion survey results are cited, most frequently these are opinion polls conducted by the CBOS (Public Opinion Research Center) and TNS OBOP (Center for Public Opinion Research).
PL
Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
EN
The present study comprises three selected ethical dilemmas of law but regarded as the most fundamental: death penalty, abortion, and euthanasia. What they have in common is a close relationship with the legal protection of the life of every human being as provided for in Art. 38, the Republic of Poland’s Constitution of 2 April 1997. The general character of the constitutional provisions caused these highly controversial issues to be left for ordinary legislation to address and for public debate, which was intensified in recent years. Public opinion polls concerning the issues in question show that in Poland supporters of the death penalty still outnumber its opponents. Opinions on the admissibility of abortion and euthanasia are divided almost in the literal sense of the word, the differences between the supporters and opponents of these kinds of behavior being negligible. It can, however, be observed that the number of abortion opponents is increasing, which may prove that the 1993 regulation successfully played an educational role, gradually strengthening the value of the protection of life, including that of conceived children. The practice of taking into consideration the influence of the public opinion on the content oflegislation, arising from the principle of the democratic state ruled by law, requires that the legal awareness of Polish society be constantly improved.
PL
Brak abstraktu w języku polskim
EN
The problems investigated in the present study concern the way of how political elites are perceived in the lower chamber of the Polish Parliament, the empirical material (the subject of research) being the speeches delivered in the 8th term Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The image of political elites is definitely critical because only the historical elites were positively assessed (from the Constitution of the 3rd of May to the attitude of the elites during the Second World War), except for the “so-called” communist elites. Many accusations are leveled by representatives of the current ruling elite against the European Union elites (the so-called Brussels elites) and the elites of the Third Republic of Poland. The ruling elite after 2015, recognizing themselves (although reluctantly) as a political elite, very strongly emphasise that they are not the government of the elites and do not act in the interest of the latter but for the sake of ordinary citizens. The previous political elite should be replaced by the national elite. It is not merely a conceptual change but this emphasises that power should be exercised by people who correctly identify the needs of the nation. It is a reaction against the policies conducted by the governments of the Third Republic of Poland when, according to those now in power, the interest of the whole of society was not properly looked after, but only that of the elites. There are few statements by representatives of the opposition that would counter the critical assessment of the political elites which governed after 1989. The exception is the statements defending the judicial elites as authorities who are the only ones capable of opposing the actions of the current government. The process of replacement of elites is noticeable in all the spheres of social life.
PL
Problematyka podjęta w niniejszym opracowaniu dotyczy sposobu, w jaki są postrzegane elity polityczne w niższej izbie polskiego parlamentu, przy czym materiał empiryczny (przedmiot badań) stanowią wystąpienia na forum Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej VIII kadencji. Obraz elit politycznych jest zdecydowanie krytyczny, gdyż pozytywnie oceniano jedynie elity historyczne (od czasów Konstytucji 3 Maja po postawę elit w czasie II wojny światowej), z wyjątkiem „tak zwanej” elity komunistycznej. Wiele zarzutów przedstawiciele aktualnej elity rządzącej podnoszą w stosunku do elit Unii Europejskiej (tzw. elit brukselskich) oraz elit III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Elita rządząca po 2015 r., uznając siebie (choć niezbyt chętnie) za elitę polityczną, wyjątkowo mocno podkreśla, iż nie jest rządem elit i nie działa w ich interesie, lecz dla dobra zwykłych obywateli. Dotychczasowa elita polityczna powinna zostać zastąpiona elitą narodową. Nie jest to jedynie zmiana pojęciowa, lecz podkreślenie, iż władzę powinni sprawować ludzie, którzy właściwie rozpoznają potrzeby narodu. Jest to reakcja na politykę prowadzoną przez rządy III Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, kiedy – zdaniem obecnie sprawujących władzę – nie dbano o interesy ogółu społeczeństwa, a wyłącznie elit. Ze strony przedstawicieli elity opozycyjnej niewiele jest wypowiedzi dających odpór krytycznej ocenie elit politycznych, które rządziły po 1989 r. Wyjątkiem są głosy biorące w obronę elity sędziowskie jako autorytety, które jako jedyne mogą przeciwstawić się działaniom aktualnej władzy. Dostrzegany jest proces wymiany elit we wszystkich dziedzinach życia społecznego.
EN
On 5 August 2015 the law on free legal aid and on legal education was passed. The present study is devoted to one of the most significant and controversial problems in the adopted regulation, namely its subjective scope. The range of beneficiaries of this law – the entitled persons – was assessed from the standpoint of whether the adopted solutions fulfill the objectives stipulated in the bill in question: provision of legal aid at the pre-trial stage to persons who cannot, because of their financial or life status, afford to purchase this kind of services in the free market. The paper also discusses the categories of persons who are not covered by the law and those who are classified as entitled persons while they could pay the costs of legal advice. Furthermore, the solutions adopted in the law were compared with the results of empirical studies, and the role of information campaigns was emphasized: their aim is to make the persons concerned realize the need to use a lawyer’s help and to inform those entitled about centers offering free legal aid.
PL
W dniu 5 sierpnia 2015 r. została uchwalona ustawa o nieodpłatnej pomocy prawnej oraz edukacji prawnej. Prezentowane opracowanie jest poświęcone jednemu z najistotniejszych i najbardziej kontrowersyjnych zagadnień przyjętej regulacji – jej zakresowi podmiotowemu. Ocenie został poddany krąg beneficjentów ustawy – „osób uprawnionych” z punktu widzenia tego, czy przyjęte rozwiązania spełniają założone w projekcie ustawy cele, czyli zapewnienie pomocy prawnej na etapie przedsądowym osobom, które ze względu na sytuację materialną lub życiową nie mogą sobie pozwolić na zakup tego rodzaju usługi na wolnym rynku. Zwrócono też uwagę na kategorie osób, które nie zostały objęte ustawą oraz nie zaliczono ich do osób uprawnionych, a które mogłyby pokryć koszty porady prawnej. Ponadto skonfrontowano przyjęte w ustawie rozwiązania z wynikami badań empirycznych oraz podkreślono rolę kampanii informacyjnych mających na celu uświadomienie potrzeby korzystania z pomocy prawnika i dotarcie do zainteresowanych z komunikatem o punktach nieodpłatnej pomocy prawnej.
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