The research concerning cross-border cooperation initiative between regions presents international relations that are often formed upwards and have their roots in bilateral relations of the regions. A research hypothesis was positively verified on the basis of the conducted research, according to which the examined subject is a form of cross-border cooperation at the level of regional parliaments: German federal states, Kaliningrad District of the Russian Federation and selected Polish voivodships. Coherently with the purpose of the study, an institutional and legal analysis, analysis of source materials and a questionnaire were conducted. The paper contains an investigation of the genesis, objectives and the scope of substantive works concerning the cross-border cooperation formula within the regional parliaments of the South Baltic Region. A special nature of work within the Forum was also presented; the most important substantive issues introduced by the partners in resolutions adopted by acclamation are discussed, as well as the results of own research are presented.
Witold Zygmunt Kulerski was one of the closest associates of the Prime Minister of Polish government in exile Stanisław Mikołajczyk. During World War II he was one of the closest collaborators of Stanislaw Mikołajczyk- Office of the Vice-President of the National Council of the Republic of Poland, Deputy Prime Minister and Prime Minister of the Polish government in exile. Kulerski’s commission devoted much attention to the affairs of Germany. This issue has been leading in international affairs, it is no wonder that Congress PSL lot of space devoted to it. Speaker stressed that the People’s Movement during its period of organizational and ideological took the view that the main “(...) the objective must be to secure Polish and Slavic world securing the aggressive spirit of the German”. Kulerski’s commission expressed concern due to the lack of activity of the Polish government to sign agreements and treaties of trade and economic with other countries than the Soviet Union. The committee members in their speeches stressed that in many areas of trade and international agreements are being overtaken by other countries and are overlooked in transactions due to insufficient activity of the Polish Government.
Wojna Rosji w Ukrainie trwa od 2014 roku, ale początkowo rosyjskie działania przybrały postać wojny hybrydowej. Ukraina pozostawała w pokojowych relacjach z resztą świata, gdy Rosja bez wypowiedzenia wojny zajęła ukraiński Krym i prowadziła wojnę w Donbasie. Jej pełnoskalowy zasięg zapoczątkowany 24 lutego 2022 roku nie miał precedensu w powojennej Europie i sprawił, że terytorium Ukrainy opuściło kilka milionów osób zamieszkujących zaatakowane państwo. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie jak organizacje i instytucje w Monachium rozwiązują problemy związane z napływem uchodźców do miasta, w tym uchodźców z Ukrainy. Jako hipotezę badawczą przyjęto założenie, że w Niemczech, w tym w Monachium, w rozwiązywaniu problemów uchodźców z Ukrainy po 24 lutego 2022 roku olbrzymią rolę odegrały doświadczenia niemieckie z lat 2015 i następnych w przyjmowaniu przybyszów z Bliskiego Wschodu. Podstawowe problemy badawcze zawierają się w pytaniach o to: jakie zmiany w prawie azylowym wprowadził w Niemczech rząd federalny?; komu w mieście Monachium przysługuje pomoc i jakie obejmuje świadczenia?; na czym polega pomoc uchodźcom prowadzona przez Urząd ds. Mieszkalnictwa i Migracji w Monachium?; czym zajmuje się Biuro ds. Zapobiegania Bezdomności?; jakie są zadania Lokalnego Biura Mediacji?; jakie kompetencje ma tzw. Służba Społeczna dla Niesłyszących?; jaki jest zakres działań Biura Pomocy w Powrocie do Domu?; jakie w Bawarii funkcjonują biura powrotowe?; jakie działania prowadzi Biuro ds. pracy międzykulturowej?; jaki jest zakres działań Centrum Obsługi Rozwoju Kwalifikacji Zagranicznych? Wiodącą metodą badawczą wykorzystaną w prowadzonych badaniach jest analiza instytucjonalno-prawna.
EN
Russia’s war in Ukraine has been ongoing since 2014, but initially Russian actions took the form of a hybrid war. Ukraine was in peaceful relations with the rest of the world when Russia seized Ukraine’s Crimea without a declaration of war and waged war in Donbass. Its full-scale scope, launched on February 24, 2022, was unprecedented in post-war Europe and caused several million people living in the invaded country to leave Ukrainian territory. The purpose of this article is to show how organizations and institutions in Munich are addressing the influx of refugees into the city, including refugees from Ukraine. As a research hypothesis, it was assumed that in Germany, including Munich, the German experience of 2015 and subsequent years in accepting newcomers from the Middle East played a huge role in solving the problems of refugees from Ukraine after February 24, 2022. The basic research problems are contained in questions such as: what changes in asylum law have been made in Germany by the federal government; who in the city of Munich is entitled to assistance and what benefits does it cover?; what is the assistance to refugees provided by the Office for Housing and Migration in Munich?; what does the Office for the Prevention of Homelessness do?; what are the tasks of the Local Mediation Office?; what are the competencies of the so-called Social Service for the Deaf?; what is the scope of activities of the Office of Return Assistance?; what are the return offices in Bavaria?; what are the activities of the Office for Intercultural Work?; what is the scope of activities of the Foreign Qualification Development Service Center? The leading research method used in the research conducted is institutional legal analysis.
Wolność myśli, sumienia i wyznania to jedna z podstawowych wolności jednostki, która musi być i jest chroniona przez prawo międzynarodowe i krajowe, co ukazano na przykładzie polskiej konstytucji. Pod pojęciem wolności sumienia kryje się prawo wyboru przez jednostkę ludzką swojego światopoglądu i prawo do jego zmiany. Wolność wyznania daje jednostce prawo do uzewnętrzniania i manifestowania poglądów i przekonań przysługujących jednostce w kwestiach religijnych indywidualnie i zbiorowo, prywatnie lub publicznie. Można tę wolność ograniczać, ale musi to być określone w ustawie i tylko w szczególnych okolicznościach. Polska w tym zakresie jest zgodna z prawem międzynarodowym.
EN
Freedom of thought, conscience and religion is one of the fundamental freedoms of individual, which has to be and is protected by international and national law, as shown on the example of the Polish Constitution. Freedom of conscience includes both the right of individual to choose the worldview and the right to change it. Freedom of religion ensures the right to express and manifest the views and convictions on religion individually and collectively, privately or publicly. Considering derogation of freedom of thought, conscience and religion, international law states that it may be restricted, but only in specific circumstances and under the legal act. The Polish Constitution is in line with international law in terms of restricting the above freedom.
Celem przeprowadzonych badań było ukazanie i analiza mechanizmów ochrony praw mniejszości narodowych (na przykładzie mniejszości ukraińskiej) w województwie warmińsko-mazurskim, wchodzącym w skład terytorium Polski. Jako hipotezę badawczą przyjęto stwierdzenie, że w praktyce ochrona praw mniejszości narodowych na poziomie województwa warmińsko-mazurskiego jest modelowa, a tym samym może być realizowana także w innych województwach w Polsce, a nawet w innych państwach, w których istnieją problemy związane z ochroną mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych. Główne problemy badawcze zawierały się w pytaniach o to: jak jest rozmieszczonа w badanym województwie mniejszość ukraińska?; jakie są w badanym regionie Polski instytucje państwowe i samorządowe działające na rzecz mniejszości narodowych?; jaką działalność przejawiają te instytucje na rzecz równego traktowania mniejszości narodowych i zagwarantowania ich praw? jak te działania oceniają przedstawiciele organizacji mniejszości ukraińskiej? Wiodącą metodą badawczą była metoda instytucjonalno-prawna, а także zastosowano ankietę i wywiad fokusowy. W wyniku badań potwierdzono hipotezę badawczą. Okazało się, że w województwie warmińsko-mazurskim stworzono efektywny, instytucjonalny klimat dla rozwoju mniejszości narodowych, w tym ukraińskiej. Stało się to możliwe dzięki działalności jedynego w Polsce pełnomocnika marszałka województwa do spraw mniejszości narodowych i również jedynej w Polsce Komisji Mniejszości Narodowych i Etnicznych sejmiku tegoż województwa.
EN
The research aims at presenting and exploring the mechanisms for protection of the rights of national minorities (based on the example of Ukrainian minority) in the Warmia and Mazury Region of the Republic of Poland. The research hypothesis is based on the statement that in fact the protection of rights of national minorities at the level of the Warmia and Mazury Region could be treated as a model, and thus implemented in other regions in Poland, or even in other countries facing the problems related to the protection of national and ethnic minorities. The main research problems are addressed within the questions: how is Ukrainian minority distributed in the studied region?; What are the state and local government institutions working for national minorities in the studied region of Poland?; What activities do these institutions undertake to ensure equal treatment of national minorities and provision for their rights?; How are these activities assessed by organizations/representatives of the Ukrainian national minority? The leading research method was the institutional and legal one. The research also contained the interviewing method as well as the focus group interview. Obtained results of the study confirmed the research hypothesis. It turned out that the Warmia and Mazury Region has created an effective institutional environment for the development of national minorities, including the Ukrainian one. It was possible thanks to the activity of the only Polish Plenipotentiary of the Marshal for national minorities and also the only National and Ethnic Minorities Committee of the Regional Council in Poland.
This article considers the concepts and theories of international migration which answer questions about the current trends of migration flows. Particular emphasis has been placed on the transformation of established perceptions of women's migration as, under the influence of globalisation in the modern system of international coordinates, there is a trend that is interpreted as the “feminisation” of international migration. Designing theories and concepts of international migration on an explanation of the motives and specifics of the adaptation of Ukrainian labour migrants in Poland offers a basis upon which to argue that each of them is appropriate for application. In addition, a theoretical modelling of migration policy has been presented. In practice, national governments use such models of migration policy as: the complete exclusion of immigration into a country or profess a “closed-door policy”, differentiated exclusion/segregation, integration as a gradual and weaker form of assimilation, the so-called “selective policy”, and the assimilation, multicultural or “open-door policy”. Future scenarios for the modelling of migration flows represented by leading international organisations have been designed. The multidimensional MIPEX Index, according to which Poland’s policy on migrants is assessed as “equality on paper”, is lower than the EU average, and, with a score of an estimated 40 points out of a possible 100, has been used to assess the trends of modern migration policy of the Republic of Poland. The new migration model of Poland leans towards a model of a differentiated integration of migrants rather than a multicultural policy or assimilation. It has been concluded that migration policy should be based on the principle of “tripartism”/scenarios (the ‘win-win-win’ concept) and benefit the donor state, the recipient state, and the migrants themselves.
Цель статьи – представить деятельность трёх отделений Ассоциации украинцев Польши, охватывающих всё Варминско-Мазурское воеводство. В исследовании также изложена деятельность Ассоциации по поддержке беженцев. Основная гипотеза исследования заключается в том, что Ассоциация украинцев Польши активно занимается в Варминьско-Мазурском воеводстве, а после полномасштабного вторжения России члены Ассоциации стали чрезвычайно активно помогать как беженцам из Украины, так и украинцам, которые остались на Украине, в том числе с территории боевых действий. Основные проблемы исследования сосредоточены на следующих вопросах: Какие усилия предприняла Ассоциация украинцев в Польше для сохранения своей истории, традиций, языка и культуры? Какие мероприятия были поддержаны органами местного самоуправления, в том числе воеводскими? Как Ассоциация изменила свою деятельность после полномасштабной агрессии России против Украины 24 февраля 2022 года? Предыдущие исследования, проведенные авторами, показывают, что экономические мигранты из Украины в Варминско-Мазурском воеводстве не ощущали себя частью украинского меньшинства, проживающего в регионе. Между тем, отношения между Ассоциацией и беженцами иные.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the activity of three branches of the Association of Ukrainians in Poland, covering the entire Warmian-Masurian Voivodeship. The study also outlines the Association’s activities supporting refugees. The main research hypothesis is that the Association of Ukrainians in Poland is actively engaged in the Warmian-Masurian Voivodeship, and following Russia’s full-scale invasion, members of the Association became extremely proactive both in helping refugees from Ukraine, as well as Ukrainians who stayed in Ukraine, including those from the territory of military operations. The core research problems focuses on the following questions: What efforts did the Association of Ukrainians in Poland undertake to maintain its history, traditions, language and culture? Which activities have been supported by local government authorities, including the Voivodeship ones? How has the Association changed its activity following the Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine on February 24, 2022? Previous studies conducted by the authors demonstrate that economic migrants from Ukraine in the Warmian-Masurian Voivodeship did not perceive themselves as a part of the Ukrainian minority living in the region. Meanwhile, the relationship between the Association and the refugees is different.
В статье рассмотрен вопрос миграционного кризиса украинских беженцев в страны-члены ЕС, вызванного полномасштабным вторжением России в Украину 24 февраля 2022 года. Выяснено количество украинских беженцев, принятых европейскими государствами с момента вступления России в силу. началось полномасштабное военное вторжение в Украину. Проводится анализ форм защиты физических лиц в Европейском Союзе, включая статус беженца и временную защиту. Законодательство о статусе беженца в ЕС представлено через призму анализа Директивы Совета 2001/55/EC о временной защите. Определено ключевое различие между временной защитой и статусом беженца. Выделены ключевые проблемы, с которыми сталкиваются европейские страны; Одновременно представлены препятствия, с которыми сталкиваются украинские беженцы, а именно: получение жилья и трудоустройства. Особое внимание было уделено проблеме «усталости» и истощения социальных систем и простых граждан в странах ЕС. Авторы представляют результаты исследования механизмов предоставления защиты и убежища украинским беженцам в ЕС. Кроме того, должное внимание было уделено стратегии из 10 пунктов, предложенной Европейской комиссией Европейскому совету и Совету юстиции и внутренних дел с целью поддержки стран ЕС в их стремлении принять украинских беженцев. Основные цели исследования вращаются вокруг эффективности механизмов защиты украинских беженцев в ЕС, а также любых последствий, которые эта система может вызвать как для ЕС, так и для Украины.
EN
The article considers the issue of the migration crisis of Ukrainian refugees to EU member states caused by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. An elucidation was made as to the quantity of Ukrainian refugees taken in by European states since the Russia’s full-scale military invasion of Ukraine commenced. An analysis of forms of protection for individuals in the European Union is conducted, including refugee status and temporary protection. The legislation of refugee status in the EU is represented through the prism of the analysis of the Council Directive 2001/55/EC on temporary protection. The key difference between temporary protection and refugee status is defined. The key problems faced by European countries are highlighted; concurrently, the obstacles experienced by Ukrainian refugees are presented, namely, obtaining housing and employment. Special attention was paid to the issue of “fatigue” and exhaustion of social systems and ordinary citizens in EU countries. The authors present the results of the study on the mechanisms of providing protection and asylum to Ukrainian refugees in the EU. Furthermore, the 10-point strategy suggested by the European Commission to the European Council and the Justice and Home Affairs Council in order to support EU countries in their endeavor of admitting Ukrainian refugees has been duly given attention. The core research objectives revolve around the effectiveness of protection mechanisms for Ukrainian refugees in the EU, and any consequences said system may bring about for both the EU and Ukraine.
The article examines the labour migration of Ukrainians to the Warmia-Masuria province. Such research methods as systematic, comparative, behavioural, statistical data analysis, document analysis, focused interviews and case study helped to identify current trends and key challenges presented by migration flows of Ukrainians to the province. The main factors affecting Ukrainian labour migration to the province are analysed, with particular emphasis placed on quantitative descriptions of the features of Ukrainian employment in the region. It is concluded that there are prospects for further labour migration of Ukrainian workers to Warmia-Masuria.
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