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1

Kryzys Ukrainy a rewizjonizm Rosji na arenie międzynarodowej

100%
Stępniewski T.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2018
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vol. 10(46)
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issue 3
5-17
PL
Konflikt zbrojny Rosji z Ukrainą stworzył warunki dla Rosji do rewizjonizmu układu sił w Europie Wschodniej, a nawet do rewizji porządku międzynarodowego ustanowionego po zimnej wojnie. Ponadto można było przypuszczać, że „pomarańczowa rewolucja” i „Euromajdan” były próbami zmiany sytuacji politycznej na Ukrainie. Ale pomimo zmiany elit politycznych i zmian konstytucyjnych, system polityczny na Ukrainie nie uległ znacznej modyfikacji. Należy podkreślić, że to właśnie zmiana systemu politycznego i prawnego wydaje się jedną z najbardziej pilnych potrzeb na Ukrainie. Czy elity polityczne są gotowe na zmianę systemu politycznego i wyjście poza interesy klanowo-oligarchiczne? Jeśli Ukraina nie będzie w stanie przeprowadzić systematycznych reform politycznych, będzie skazana w przyszłości na coraz większą zależność od Federacji Rosyjskiej. Należy zaznaczyć, że niestabilna sytuacja na Ukrainie utrudnia prowadzenie z nią negocjacji oraz stawia pod znakiem zapytania jej plany integracji ze strukturami euroatlantyckimi. W niniejszym artykule w sposób bardzo syntetyczny w pierwszej kolejności ukazana została Ukraina jako państwo – z jednej strony – na rozdrożu, z drugiej – kluczowe państwo dla interesów Rosji na obszarze poradzieckim, następnie zaprezentowane zostały pobudki motywujące Rosję do rewizjonizmu porządku międzynarodowego po zimnej wojnie, z uwzględnieniem miejsca i roli Ukrainy. Artykuł jedynie sygnalizuje problem badawczy i nie rości sobie praw do całościowego omówienia zasygnalizowanego zagadnienia.
EN
The armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine fostered the Federation to revise the balance of powers in Eastern Europe and even the post-Cold-War international world order. Moreover, one would assume that the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan constituted attempts to change the current state of affairs. When the ruling authorities were replaced and constitutional changes made, it did not bring about the kind of substantial transformation in the sphere of political system that would allow the creation of a more stable structure. The change of political and legal systems seems to be one of the most urgent necessities in Ukraine. Still, are the ruling elites ready, and above all, are they able to conduct a profound change in the perception of reality, and go beyond the clan-oligarchic interests? If Ukraine fails to conduct systematic political reforms, it will be doomed to a future of being taken advantage of, while at the same time, becoming susceptible to Russia’s influences. It needs to be underlined here that the unstable situation of Ukraine hampers decision makers in Russia, the U.S. and the EU, who all find it difficult to establish with whom they should negotiate. At the same time, due to internal squabbles, Ukraine is becoming marginalized, and its chances for integration within the Euro-Atlantic structures are diminishing. The present paper synthesizes Ukraine on the one hand, as a country at a crossroads, and on the other, as a state of key interests for Russia in the post-Soviet space. Next, Russia’s motivators for revising the post-Cold-War international order will be presented. The description will take Ukraine’s position and the role into consideration. The paper merely touches upon the surface of the research problem and does not constitute a full in-depth study of the issue.
2
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The Russia-Ukraine War, NATO's Eastern Flank, and Ukrainian Refugees in Central Europe

100%
Stępniewski T.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2022
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vol. 26
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issue 2
7-15
XX
The countries of NATO's eastern flank representing the so-called Bucharest Nine include Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. Over recent decades, NATO has adapted to new challenges and threats to the security environment. This article attempts to examine the ongoing armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine from the perspective of NATO's eastern flank countries as well as to answer the following research questions: are NATO member states adequately responding to the threats arising from the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and will NATO be revitalised as a result of Russia's revisionist policy? The countries of NATO's eastern flank form the so-called Bucharest Nine, and include: Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Hungary (Pawłowski, 2020; Jankowski, Stępniewski, 2021). Over the decades, NATO has adapted to new challenges and threats to the security environment (Stępniewski, 2020; Stępniewski, 2011). The Alliance's need to adapt has been very clear since 2014, when Russia, with its neo-imperial policy towards Ukraine, “woke up the dragon” upon which NATO began to adapt to the new security reality in Central and Eastern Europe by increasing spending onarmaments, along with the modernisation of its armed forces, command structures, and relocation of troops, etc. Since 2014, we have been dealing with an armed confl ict between Russia and Ukraine in the Donbas (along with the annexation of Crimea by Russia), which has changed the way in which security in Eastern Europe and, more broadly, throughout Europe is perceived. As of 24 February 2022, i.e., with the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, not only did the way of thinking about international order and security change, but, above all, the perception of Russia as an unpredictable participant in international relations changed also. Russia has become a serious threat and a challenge to the international order. This article attempts to look at the ongoing armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine from the perspective of NATO’s eastern flank countries as well as to answer the following research questions: are NATO member states adequately responding to the threats arising from the armed confl ict between Russia and Ukraine, and will NATO be revitalised as a result of Russia’s revisionist policy?
3

The Place of Central Asia in Poland's Foreign Policy

100%
Stępniewski T.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2015
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vol. 7(43)
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issue 1
11-22
EN
The aim of the study is to show the evolution of the Polish foreign policy towards the region of Central Asia. Since its accession to the European Union (EU), Poland's policy towards the region has been notably trending towards the EU's policy which is still under construction. Whereas in the 1990s, financial (technical) assistance was the objective of the EU's policy, in the 21st century its character and scope changed, which was not without consequences for the shape of the Polish policy.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie ewolucji polityki zagranicznej Polski wobec regionu Azji Centralnej. Od momentu wstąpienia Polski do Unii Europejskiej (UE) coraz wyraźniej obserwowana jest tendencja do opierania polityki Polski wobec tego regionu na polityce UE. Polityka Unii Europejskiej wobec regionu Azji Centralnej jest w trakcie konstruowania. O ile w latach dziewięćdziesiątych XX w. polityka ta była ukierunkowana przede wszystkim na pomoc finansową (techniczną), o tyle w wieku XXI zmienia swój charakter i zakres działania, co też nie pozostaje bez wpływu na kształt polityki Polski.
4
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The Ukraine Crisis and European Union’s Eastern Partnership Revisited

100%
Stępniewski T.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
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2016
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vol. 23
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issue 1
EN
The objective of the present paper is an attempt at viewing the European Neighbourhood Policy, and especially the Eastern Partnership, from the EU’s standpoint and from the international perspective as well. The situation in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood (Russia-Ukraine war) drives EU decision-makers to focus merely on stabilisation and de facto stagnation. The decision-makers are not willing to undertake decisive actions towards a change in relations with the countries of Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus. The paper will also consider the following research questions: Will the lack of clear EU membership perspective (even a remote one) for countries such as Ukraine, Moldova, lead to the opportunity for a change of their situation to be forfeit? Will Russia-Ukraine conflict (and Russia-the West conflict in a broad sense) result in the EU being pushed out of the region and enable Russia to reintegrate the post-Soviet space? Was the recent 2015 Eastern Partnership Summit in Riga the beginning of the end of the policy? The paper does not attempt a comprehensive discussion of the issue, but constitutes an outline of particular problems which the EU and Eastern Partnership are faced with.
5
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The Socio-Cultural Dimension of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership: Contingencies and Prospects

100%
Stępniewski T.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2016
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vol. 52
163-172
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba spojrzenia na projekt Partnerstwa Wschodniego Unii Europejskiej z punktu widzenia wymiaru społeczno-kulturowego. Czy Unia Europejska jest w stanie nadal się rozszerzać? Czy uwarunkowania kulturowo-cywilizacyjne mają wpływ na kształt stosunków Unii Europejskiej z państwami Europy Wschodniej i Kaukazu Południowego? Partnerstwo Wschodnie poddawane jest silnym wstrząsom (wojna Rosji z Ukrainą, niestabilny Kaukaz Południowy), które rodzą pytania o przyszłość tej polityki. W artykule zostanie również podjęta próba odniesienia się do uwarunkowań wewnętrznych UE i ich wpływu na jej stosunki z państwami wschodnimi.
EN
The aim of the paper is an attempt at evaluating the Eastern Partnership from the point of view of the socio-cultural dimension in a broad sense. Do cultural and civilisational factors influence relations between the EU and Eastern European and South Caucasus countries? Is the EU capable of further enlargement? The Eastern Partnership is experiencing significant turmoil (Russia-Ukraine war, unstable South Caucasus) which begs the question of the future of the policy. Moreover, the paper tackles the issue of the EU’s internal factors and their influence upon relations with Eastern countries.
6
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European Union, Eastern Europe and Russia: Trilateral Relations in the Period of Ukraine’s Crisis

100%
Stępniewski T.
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
|
2017
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vol. 24
|
issue 1
EN
As a result of geopolitical changes which occurred on the verge of the 1980s and 1990s, the map of East-Central Europe underwent signifiant modifiations. The enlargement of the EU encompassing Central European states (especially Poland) contributed to the change of the EU’s attitude towards the post-Soviet space. Up to the time of the enlargement, due to the dominance of the “Russia fist” policy, the EU did not recognize the need for tightening relations with post-Soviet states. After 2004, a gradual change in the EU’s attitude towards its eastern neighborhood can be observed. The present paper aims to describe the EU’s eastern policy in the period of crises: on the one hand, those plaguing the EU, and on the other, the so-called Ukrainian crisis. The crisis, a de facto, armed conflct between Russia and Ukraine, has resulted not only in a geopolitical change in Eastern Europe, but also exerted impact upon conditions the EU’s eastern policy is realized in. In 2017, it is 8 years since the Eastern Partnership was implemented. The project, its achievements, objectives and opportunities need to be revisited. In other words, works on the Eastern Partnership 2.0 ought to be commenced. A change of both the approach and narration as far as the EaP project is concerned, is required. New areas and filds the EaP will offer opportunities for EaP-EU relations to be tightened ought to be discovered. The armed conflct in Ukraine, resulting in the instability of eastern neighborhood, constitutes a security challenge for the whole area of Eastern Europe.
7

W poszukiwaniu swojego „miejsca pod słońcem”. Kryzys ukraiński z perspektywy Federacji Rosyjskiej

100%
Stępniewski T.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2017
|
vol. 9(45)
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issue 3
119-137
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba spojrzenia na trwającą wojnę Rosji z Ukrainą z punktu widzenia neoimperialnej polityki Federacji Rosyjskiej (także: Rosja). W celu efektywnego rozwiązania problemu badawczego podjęta zostanie próba udzielenia odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: Jakie są przyczyny rewizjonizmu Rosji na arenie międzynarodowej? Co spowodowało, że Rosja kieruje się w swej polityce zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa rewizjonizmem wobec Zachodu? Jakie będą skutki tego rewizjonizmu dla Ukrainy, dla Europy i dla samej Rosji? Czy konflikt na Ukrainie kończy pozimnowojenny okres współpracy Rosji z Zachodem? Czy konflikt na Ukrainie jest symbolicznym końcem porządku międzynarodowego po zimnej wojnie? Czy uda się Rosji dokonać rewizji porządku międzynarodowego po zimnej wojnie zdominowanego przez USA? Czy Ukraina jest stawką w grze między Rosją a Zachodem? Czy konflikt zbrojny z Ukrainą zniweczy plany Rosji związane z ponowną reintegracją przestrzeni poradzieckiej, w której to koncepcji Ukraina odgrywa kluczową rolę? Czy Rosja – dzięki wojnie z Ukrainą – stanie się mocarstwem regionalnym, a może nawet mocarstwem globalnym?
EN
The objective of the present study is an attempt at viewing the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war from the point of view of the Russian Federation’s (also Russia’s) neo-imperial policy. In order to tackle the research problem effectively, the following questions will be discussed: What are the reasons for Russia’s revisionism in international politics? What motivates Russia to apply revisionism towards the West in its foreign and security policies? What will be the outcome of the revisionism for Ukraine, Europe, and Russia itself? Does the Ukrainian conflict constitute the end of the post-Cold-War period of Russia- the West cooperation? Is the Ukrainian conflict a symbolic end of the post-Cold-War world order? Will Russia succeed in revising the post-Cold-War world order and USA’s dominance? Is Ukraine a hostage in the game between Russia and the West? Is the armed conflict destroying Russia’s plot for the reintegration of the post-Soviet space, whose pivot revolves around Ukraine? Will Russia, as a result of the Ukrainian war, become a regional and even a global superpower?
8
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The Challenges of Ukraine's European Choice in the Context of the Kremlin's Neo-Imperialist Policies During Volodymyr Zelenskyy's Presidency

63%
Stępniewski T., Szabaciuk A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 4
51-65
EN
This article attempts to analyse the situation in Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and increasing pressure from the Kremlin towards Eastern European states. The armed conflict taking place in Ukraine means that the geostrategic situation of Eastern Europe has changed. In this context, the Eastern Partnership, which was meant to be one of the key instruments shaping international relations with the states neighbouring the EU in the East, is quite often seen as an ineffective or even obsolete tool. There can be no doubt that the greatest problem for the Eastern Partnership is that the project is seen in geopolitical categories - thinking of the countries of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the necessity for them to choose between the European Union and Russia (listening to statements by the EU's political decision-makers, it can often seem that those states have no other option). The key research question is whether we will be dealing with an assertive EU policy in tandem with current US policy, or whether there will be another reset in relations between the West and the Russian Federation.
9
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Belarusian propaganda about Poland after the full-scale aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine

63%
Szabaciuk A., Stępniewski T.
Cybersecurity and Law
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2023
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vol. 10
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issue 2
318-330
EN
The objective of this article is to conduct an analysis of the Belarusian propaganda narrative concerning Poland and the Polish-Belarusian border after the full-scale Russian aggression against Ukraine on 24th February 2022. The study delves into the underlying factors influencing Belarusian propaganda and disinformation campaigns, the utilization of politics of memory as a tool to discredit Poland, the disinformation operations linked to artificially induced migration from the Middle East, and the involvement of Belarusian services in such activities. Additionally, it explores the actions aimed at discrediting the work of Polish uniformed formations on the border with Belarus. The research methodology employed entails the utilization of the desk research method and the comparative method, where we attempt to juxtapose the propaganda narrative of Belarus and Russia.
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