The European Union, the most advanced integrational arrangement of its kind today, and a model for other regional integration projects, is a relatively new actor on the international scene. It constitutes a community of values, a normative power, a cultural and political community, but, above all else, a security community. And it is to this final dimension that Europe owes the longest period of peace in its modern history. However, today, faced with a new reality forged by global changes and the emergence of new threats, the theoretical construct of the security community, developed by Karl W. Deutsch, requires new insights and adjustments, including in relation to the European Union. The aim of this study is to establish whether, despite the current crisis, the European Union still meets the criteria of a security community. And considering the changes that have taken place over the years, the research problem amounts to the question of whether the concept of security itself, and thus of the security community, shouldn't be revised so as to better reflect the present reality. In turn, the research thesis is as follows: despite all the difficulties and more or less unprecedented events, especially those of recent times, the EU meets the criteria of a security community, wherein it presents an intermediate (halfway-house) solution between a pluralistic and an amalgamated community. In support of the presented arguments, primary and secondary sources will be used, and research methods such as a description, interpretation, comparison, and critical assessment of the literature will be applied.
The EU’s regional policy, especially the financial assistance directed to less socially and economically developed regions in an enlarged and diversified Union of 27 member states, is a problem of both scientific and practical importance. The article focuses on theoretical foundations including the theory of regional convergence and divergence and strategy for endogenous development. It then goes on to provide critical views which have raised doubts about the effectiveness of external assistance. In this context, the EU’s programmes directed towards the development of less developed regions are very important. The author concludes that the financial assistance directed towards less developed countries and regions is legitimised and even necessary. Taking into account its scope and the scale of needs, the primary source of financial assistance should be EU funds and also the countries themselves. If greater convergence between rich and poor regions is to be achieved, a strategy for endogenous development is also needed.
Celem artykułu jest analiza pokryzysowego systemu rządzenia w Unii Europejskiej, która pozwoli udzielić odpowiedzi na pytania, jak kształtuje się pokryzysowy system rządzenia oraz jaki jest kierunek prowadzonych działań; innymi słowy, czy mamy do czynienia z budowaniem unii gospodarczej, unii finansowej, unii fiskalnej, czy może również zrębów unii politycznej. W opracowaniu zastosowano analityczno-deskryptywną i systemową metodą badawczą. Z przeprowadzonej analizy wynika, że istotnie mamy do czynienia z kształtowaniem się nowego modelu rządzenia, co więcej, wzmocniony został wymiar gospodarczy Unii, natomiast wymiar polityczny pozostaje zasadniczo bez zmian.
EN
The article provides an analysis of the European Union’s post-crisis governance in order to answer the following questions: how is that governance shaped and what is the direction of the measures taken. In other words, are we dealing with the creation of an economic union, a financial union, a fiscal union, or perhaps establishing the foundations for a political union? Analytical, descriptive and systemic research methods were applied in this study, and allow the conclusion to be drawn that we are indeed witnessing a new model of governance taking form. However, while the Union’s economic dimension has been strengthened, its political dimension remains substantially unchanged.
National identity in the legal terms is understood as constitutional identity. It conditionsthe relationships between the European Union and its Member States. Referring to theconstitutional identity makes possible for the constitutional courts of the Member Statesto define the boundaries for the permeation of the European Union law into national legalorders. National identity is a vast formula enabling the effective protection of constitutionalvalues within the meaning of inviolable constitutional cores of the Member States. Equallysignificant is the fact that the respect for national identities is a commitment, which theEuropean Union has assumed for itself.The article aims at outlining the evolution of relations between the European Union and itsMember States within the context of national identities in the light of the case law of theconstitutional courts of the Member States.Key words: European Union, national identity, constitutional identity, constitutional courts
Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie nowej, kształtującej się od początku XXI w. instytucji prawa międzynarodowego, jaką stanowi odpowiedzialność za ochronę (responsibility to protect). Instytucja odpowiedzialności za ochronę interpretowana jest w świetle teorii stosunków międzynarodowych oraz etyki międzynarodowej. W artykule zastosowano analityczno-deskryptywną metodę badawczą. Stosunkowo nowa instytucja odpowiedzialności za ochronę zyskała ze względu na swoje znaczenie powszechną akceptację społeczności międzynarodowej, aczkolwiek spotkała się też z krytyką jako zbyt trudna do zastosowania. Zasługuje jednak na uwagę jako najbardziej radykalny program legitymizujący działania podejmowane pod auspicjami Narodów Zjednoczonych mające na celu ochronę ludności cywilnej w sytuacjach zagrożenia.
EN
The article examines a new institution of international law that has taken shape since the beginning of the 21st century: the responsibility to protect. This responsibility is interpreted in the light of theories of international relations and international ethics. In the article, analytical and descriptive research methods have been applied. While the relatively new institution of the responsibility to protect has, due to its importance, gained fairly widespread acceptance in the international community, it has also been criticised as too difficult to implement. Nevertheless, it deserves our attention as the most radical programme legitimising actions taken under the auspices of the United Nations to protect the civilian population when it is facing threat.
National identity in the legal terms is understood as constitutional identity. It conditionsthe relationships between the European Union and its Member States. Referring to theconstitutional identity makes possible for the constitutional courts of the Member Statesto define the boundaries for the permeation of the European Union law into national legalorders. National identity is a vast formula enabling the effective protection of constitutionalvalues within the meaning of inviolable constitutional cores of the Member States. Equallysignificant is the fact that the respect for national identities is a commitment, which theEuropean Union has assumed for itself.The article aims at outlining the evolution of relations between the European Union and itsMember States within the context of national identities in the light of the case law of theconstitutional courts of the Member States.Key words: European Union, national identity, constitutional identity, constitutional courts
Dynamiczny charakter procesów przemian jaki obserwujemy we współczesnym świecie skłaniać musi do refleksji nad kondycją jednej z najtrwalszych instytucji jaką jest państwo, które stanowiło dotąd centralną jednostkę w systemie międzynarodowym. Przywykliśmy do niekwestionowania, dominującej roli państwa jako głównego architekta i arbitra w sprawach zarówno wewnętrznych jak i międzynarodowych. Dominującej pozycji państwa nie zniszczyły ani wojny światowe ani światowy kryzys gospodarczy. Obecnie porządek międzynarodowy oparty na systemie państw narodowych zwany powszechnie jako westfalski zdaje się jednak odchodzić w przeszłość za sprawą potężnych transformacji międzynarodowych utożsamianych w pierwszym rzędzie z globalizacją. Wielopłaszczyznowy charakter przemian dotyka podstawowych sfer współdziałania międzynarodowego i odbija się w coraz większym stopniu na państwie, które traci stopniowo swoją omnipotentną pozycję. Artykuł ukazuje jak pod wpływem wspomnianych procesów przemian kształtują się nowe warunki funkcjonowania państwa i ulegają erozji fundamentalne podstawy jego bytu narodowego, które tradycyjnie sprowadzały się do przestrzeganych w stosunkach międzypaństwowych zasad: terytorialności władzy państwowej, suwerenności państwa i jego zasadniczo laickiego charakteru. Wszystkie one pod wpływem przemian ostatniego ćwierćwiecza napotykają znaczne przeszkody w realizacji. Państwo ponowoczesne jest w związku z tym coraz mniej autonomiczne w swoich działaniach i wystawione na trudności związane z funkcjonowaniem w warunkach zmieniającego otoczenia i niepewnej przyszłości. Nie tylko złożony charakter komplikującego się systemu międzynarodowego ale także fragmentaryzacja społeczeństwa narodowego sprawiają, że w czasach rosnących zagrożeń zmniejsza się stabilność tradycyjnego oparcia jakie państwo miało zazwyczaj w bardziej homogenicznym zapleczu narodowym. W tej sytuacji pytanie o przyszłość państwa narodowego staje się podstawą dla dociekań naukowych.
EN
The dynamic character of changes we are observing in the contemporary world makes us ponder on the condition of the state – one of the most firmly established institutions, which has been a central unit in the international system so far. We got used to the unquestionably dominant role of the state as the main architect and arbitrator in both internal affairs and international relations. The superior position of the state has been undermined neither by World Wars nor the global economic crisis. At present, the world order based on the system of national states, commonly known as the Westphalian system, seems to be becoming a thing of the past due to huge international transformations, the most important of which is globalization. The multi-level character of changes affects basic spheres of international cooperation and is exerting an increasing influence upon the state, which is gradually losing its omnipotent position. The article presents how the abovementioned processes of change create new conditions of the functioning of the state and erode the foundations of its national identity: territoriality of state authority, sovereignty of the country and its generally secular character. All of them have been quite difficult to implement over the past twenty five years. As a result, the postmodern state is becoming less and less autonomous in its operations and is vulnerable to difficulties it encounters in the conditions of a turbulent environment and uncertain future. Not only the complexity of the international system, but also the fragmentation of the national society in the times of growing threats lead to the instability of traditional support usually offered to the state by a more homogenous national background. In these circumstances, the issue of the future of the national state becomes a subject of scientific research.
The aim of the article is to show that patent – the granting of a temporary monopolistic position, which is detrimental to the economic activity, since any legally sanctioned monopoly is an obstacle to economic development – in the long term may in fact have a positive impact on economic development. Growth is possible today only when the economy is strong and can succeed in the presence of global competition, i.e. the economy based on knowledge and innovation. The European Union, in principle, uses two instruments to increase innovation: competition policy and industrial policy. However, these policies often pursue divergent goals, as competition policy aims at an undistorted form of competition, whereas industrial policy distorts competition, through the support granted to selected entities and economic sectors. Another, equally important instrument, which also seeks to promote innovation and thus the competitiveness of the economy is patent, the granting of a temporary monopoly (a legally sanctioned monopolistic position). Despite all of its shortcomings, patent is important, since it fosters innovation and enables the spread of technology. On the other hand, the single European patent, if adopted, will increase legal certainty and facilitate access to goods and technologies by lowering costs.
The aim of this article is to provide an analysis of the ICJ’s advisory opinion of 25 February 2019 on the Chagos Archipelago. It will endeavour to answer the following questions: (i) is it consistent with the letter and the spirit of international law for the ICJ to issue advisory opinions in cases involving a dispute between states, which, due to the lack of consent from one of the states, cannot be brought before the ICJ and be settled by a judgment of that judicial body?; (ii) is such a ruling the right way to settle the issue of decolonization?; and (iii) did Brexit play any role in the case under discussion? The article begins by describing the background to the dispute between the UK and Mauritius. The focus of the analysis then shifts to the nature of advisory opinions and the 2019 ICJ advisory opinion on the Chagos Archipelago. Next, the authors discuss the possible impact of Brexit on the dispute between the UK and Mauritius itself, as well as on the UK’s international standing in general. The article concludes with reflections on voluntarism in international law. The authors conclude that de lege lata an authorized body or organization may ask the ICJ for an advisory opinion in situations where it believes that such an opinion would be useful for its work. However, such advisory opinions should not have the character of authoritative court statements made in pending disputes between sovereign states. As a consequence, such opinions should refer only to abstract legal problems, which means that in some cases the ICJ should refrain from issuing them.
The article focuses on the concept of sovereignty – an analytical category applicable to states. However, with the emergence of new actors in the international arena, especially new types of organisations such as the European Union, the question arises: whether it is possible to apply sovereignty to entities other than states. The authors assume that in the area of social sciences, it is possible to give the concept of the sovereignty a certain trait of universality, inter alia, to better reconcile the legal and political science approaches. The aim of this study is to identify and then to define an important feature of the EU, which may be sovereignty itself or its equivalent (autonomy, claim to sovereignty, quasi-sovereignty). The results of the study may lead to a better understanding of non-state subjects of public international law such as international organisations in genere, and organisations of integrational and supranational character in specie. The article is analytical, comparative and explanatory.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na pojęciu suwerenności – kategorii analitycznej znajdującej zastosowanie w przypadku państw. Natomiast wraz z pojawieniem się na arenie międzynarodowej nowych aktorów, zwłaszcza organizacji nowego typu, jaką jest Unia Europejska, nasuwa się pytanie, czy jest możliwe zastosowanie suwerenności do innych podmiotów niż państwa. Autorki wychodzą z założenia, że w obszarze nauk społecznych możliwe jest nadanie pojęciu suwerenności pewnego rysu uniwersalności, między innymi po to, by lepiej godzić podejście prawnicze z politologicznym. Celem zaprezentowanych w artykule rozważań jest wskazanie, a w dalszej kolejności nazwanie istotnej cechy UE, jaką może stanowić suwerenność lub jej odpowiednik (roszczenie do suwerenności, autonomia, quasi-suwerenność). Dokonane ustalenia mają prowadzić do lepszego zrozumienia niepaństwowych podmiotów prawa międzynarodowego publicznego, jakimi są organizacje międzynarodowe in genere, a organizacje o charakterze integracyjnym i ponadnarodowym in specie. Artykuł ma charakter analityczno-porównawczy i eksplanacyjny
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