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The text presents an interpretation of the Greenpoint (Brooklyn, New York City) Polish immigrant community leaders’ benevolent attitude toward gentrification of the neighborhood. Referring to the evidence from the fieldwork in the neighborhood in 2006 and 2010, including 50 leaders’ oral histories, it is argued here that this benevolence can be explained by the fact that gentrification brings to the leaders – as individuals, and members of families and ethnic group – both material and symbolic upward mobility. This is ‘upward mobility without moving’, without leaders’ agency and despite the fact they have done nothing to have it happened. It is indicated that, contrary to the dominant trend in gentrification studies that expects lower class’ resistance to gentrification, the lower classes members might welcome gentrification because they perceive it as an advantage to their social status and mobility. Additionally, the article points out to immigrants – omitted in gentrification studies – as individuals who are highly achievement oriented and at the same time uncertain about their status in receiving society, and therefore perceiving gentrification as an occasion for personal, their children’s and ethnic group’s social mobility into the mainstream.
EN
The text attempts at explaining different positions that the two groups of Eastern European immigrants – Jews from the former Soviet Union and Poles – have acquired in the New York City labour market at the turn of the 20th and 21st century. The initial difference in the human capital, measured by education and occupation has been accelerated by the difference in social capital that the two groups could rely on in New York City (organizational network of legal and practical assistance coming from one of the wealthiest and prestigious group for post-Soviet Jewish immigrants versus support coming from working class but well-rooted group of Polish-Americans and ‘white ethnics’ for Polish immigrants). These different resources have been shaped in the course of over a century of Jewish and Polish migrations from Eastern Europe to the US. Additionally, since the late 20th century, the difference between the two groups has been further deepened by the legal status that is typically accessible to the two of them in the US (refugees vs immigrants, including the unauthorized ones). The text also compares the Eastern European immigrants’ position with other immigrant groups’ one in the New York City labour market. The US 2000 census statistics (The Newest New Yorkers 2000) document the difference in human capital and legal status of the two groups while results of my fieldwork in Greenpoint, a traditional destination of Polish immigrants in Brooklyn and of the existing qualitative research on post-Soviet Jewish immigrants in New York City provided data on social networks and extended evidence on human capital and consequences of legal status.
EN
Referring to historical and sociological literature, and based on extensive fieldwork in Greenpoint, Brooklyn in 2006 and 2010, the text presents a particular interpretation of the Polish female immigrants’ work experience in the position of live-out domestic cleaners in New York City. My interpretation is that their work, as they see it, contains elements of both small business enterprise and live-out servant. Generally, Polish Greenpoint cleaners associated small business-like characteristics with working in the middle and upper-middle class homes in Manhattan, while servitude-like ones – with working in the lower middle class Hasidic homes in Brooklyn.
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