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1

Eesti rahvussport – suurtest narratiividest variatiivse ja humoorika/iroonilise rahvaretoorikani

100%
Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2017
|
vol. 69
109-132
EN
The paper focuses on the usage of phrases connected to both the serious and humorous representation of (new) Estonian national sports in Estonian online media in the past few years. I suggest to differentiate between official/formal/serious and unofficial/informal/humorous fields of sport, where at one end of the scale there are sports that are based on long historical, cultural, and geographical traditions (wrestling, cross-country skiing, etc.), in which Estonian sportsmen have received international recognition and which have always attracted a big number of amateurs, professionals, and fans. At the other end, there are those “pseudo-sports” that are, above all, expressions of folk creativity; these appear as elements of linguistic-folkloric communication. Within this discourse, a new national sport may be throwing oneself in front of a moving car, picking mushrooms, cursing politicians, laying off workers, spotting speeders in unmarked police vehicles, drinking oneself to death, etc. These are used to bring out the local, stereotypical features of the nation. The tendency of linking specific fields of sport to the ethnic dimension is motivated by the mechanisms of identity creation. At the same time, it points to the cultural importance of sports. Such ironic rhetoric may have a universal dimension. The purpose of the article is to describe and explain these fields of meaning, focusing on the variations and humorous aspects in the data. Sports as such loses its significance in the process and the emotional, stereotype-based and self-ironical point of view prevails. The source data of this study were collected by employing various methods and study environments. The main source comprises 250 responses to a short questionnaire carried out in spring 2017 via forms or handwritten pages. The main result of the analysis reveals how differently Estonians feel about the national sport of their country. The variegated palette of opinions from the responses received pursuant to the survey plan is enriched by the usage traditions established via Internet media. Statistically it is possible to determine the most popular sport among serious or humorous sport disciplines, but there will most likely never be consensus about a favourite sport. Any attempts to forcefully establish a discipline of this kind are clearly useless. In rhetorical discourse the conjuring up of new elements is the aim. Here the general denomination of the ‘national sport of Estonia’ works as a cliché that is constantly being reloaded with new and humorous subject matter in compliance with new socio-cultural conditions. Ethnic self-ridicule becomes a source of abundant improvisation. The favourites in ironic discourse are armchair sport, going to the sauna, and consuming alcohol. Negative addictive behaviour (be it drinking, being a workaholic, violating traffic regulations or something else) stands out as a separate sub-form of national sport. Negative forms of communication (being jealous of your neighbour, intolerance of others, etc.) and personal characteristics that are considered to be stereotypically ethnic (desperation, worrying, bearing a grudge) form an independent subgroup of ethnic self-ridicule. At the same time, there are also neutral (sometimes even positive) activities among humorous elements, such as seasonal activities, e.g. mushrooming and photographing icicles. The great variety of the cliché “The national sport of Estonia is...”, which is so relevant and popular, is testament to the potential of the linguistic creative processes of Estonians, accompanied by playful and entertaining goals driven by joy and merriment.
2

ANIMAL LORE IN ESTONIAN RIDDLE PERIPHERY (Zoofolkloorseid aspekte eesti keerdkusimustes, liitsonamangudes ja piltmoistatustes)

100%
Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2008
|
vol. 40
25-50
EN
The study focuses on the use of animals in three major recently emerged subgenres of what has become to be called riddle periphery: conundrums, compound word games, and droodles. About one fourth of all Estonian conundrums feature animal names, and like in folk narratives (folktale, joke, tall tale) or other genres of verbal art (fable, cartoons, plays) the animal is associated with highly diverse imagery. Quite often these genres include anthropomorphic personification, where human characteristics attributed to a zoological creature tend to function as specific stereotypes and the animals often talk about us and serve as embodiments of humans. The use of animal characters who act as representatives of different types of humans allows safe ridiculing of the vices of humans and the society. In other minor forms of folklore (proverbs and phrases), the most popular animals are generally local domestic animals and fowl, but the most popular animal characters in Estonian conundrums are rather exotic (elephant, hippopotamus, etc.). One reason for this is perhaps the predominance of international material (e.g., elephant jokes originating from the Anglo-American culture area) in the Estonian riddle material, and the exotic stranger is still appealing in folklore texts. The situations and settings in which the animal characters are presented in conundrums (and droodles) are often distanced from the reality, which is why the material associated with animals can be seen as zoological absurdity. The compound word games point to the favouring of compounds in the Estonian language, and the frequent occurrence of zoological creatures as elements of the Estonian compound words prove that the animal kingdom has greatly inspired the naming of things, phenomena and qualities with compounds. Compound word games are most often based on fixed metaphors (e.g., kohtukull 'legal hawk', raamatukoi 'bookworm'), in which the figurative image has become secondary and the user no longer recognises it. In Estonian language, animals tend to be used as the end constituent of the compound noun, though there are many others in which the animal name figures as a genitive substantive in the attributive constituent. One third of the entire corpus of Estonian droodles depict representatives of the animal kingdom, though the most popular ones are those with characteristic appearance (the hare's long ears, the elephant's trunk, the camel's humps, the giraffe's long and spotted neck, the zebra's stripes), because these are simple to sketch and thus are easily adopted in the tradition. The text samples used in the article have been taken from online folklore databases of Estonian conundrums (Eesti keerdküsimused, http://www.folklore.ee/Keerdkys, approx. 25,000 texts), of Estonian compound word games (Eesti (liit)sonamangud, http://www.folklore.ee/Sonamang, approx. 5,000 texts) and of Estonian droodles (Eesti piltmoistatused, http://www.folklore.ee/Droodles, approx. 7,500 texts).
3

Moistatused ja moistatamine Virumaal

100%
Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2017
|
vol. 66
115-138
EN
The article gives an overview of riddles written down in their diversity throughout times in the parishes of Virumaa. The author analyses both the old (classical) and newer layer, including changes in the function and usage context as well as the usership. In addition to the dynamics of form and content layer of riddle texts, attention is parallelly paid to the social functions of the genre, which reflect in the small number of records of usage contexts found in archival materials. Records from Virumaa confirm a more general tendency that the genre which in the peasant society had, besides entertaining functions, also magic and religious importance, today focuses on entertainment.
4

Kaugõppe kujutamine COVID-19 pandeemia esimese laine meemides: huumor kui toimetulekuviis ja enesekaitsestrateegia

100%
Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2021
|
vol. 81
19-44
EN
Restrictions and special measures were imposed around the world to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 virus, one of the most important of which was certainly the reorganization of learning and work as a home-based activity. During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, schools in Estonia remained closed from 16 March 2020 until the end of the schoolyear; further periods of countrywide distance learning were imposed also throughout the 2020/2021 schoolyear. The new way of life that accompanied the special situation was also reflected in widespread folklore, including internet memes. Defining memes as “(post)modern folklore” that expresses and shapes shared norms and values within communities, my article analyses the depiction of distance learning in Estonian memes, highlighting different points of view: the position of the students, the teachers, and the parents. The source data comes from the meme collection of the research archive of the Department of Folkloristics of the Estonian Literary Museum, which consists of more than 2,000 meme units collected during the crisis period. Some data were collected separately, for example, Tartu Variku School organized a meme competition “My distance learning” for the students of Tartu schools in April 2020 (541 memes). The comparative global collection (12,000 units) comes from the international project of corona folklore and -humour research “Humour during the global corona crisis” led by Giselinde Kuipers (Leuven Catholic University) and Mark Boukes (Amsterdam University); the project involves researchers from more than 30 countries. The study addresses the following questions: What local features emerge in distance learning memes that spread during the pandemic? How have students used other cultural resources in these memes (e.g. pop culture elements known from literature, cinema, music and other important cultural texts)? Whether and how these memes express, for example, family relationships (between children/youngsters and parents), school relationships (between students and teachers), what patterns of distance working are prevalent, etc. The meme material which has been inspired by distance learning is a fascinating contemporary subject that combines the challenging COVID-19 pandemic and distance learning as a characteristic feature of this period. Students who are the main creators of the memes regard the humorous memes about distance learning as a form of communication which offers an alternative and multifaceted perspective on this important method of learning during lockdown. The Estonian material is largely based on internationally known universal meme templates that have been adapted to the local language and cultural space. When investigating the social networks and universal motifs reflected in the memes, it is important to rely on the qualitative content analysis. It is worth noting that the subject of COVID-19 and the pandemic period are rarely explicitly mentioned in the memes. The egocentric or student-centred perspective that is characteristic of this specific material highlights the general attitudes and shared patterns that are based on opposition, which is typical of youth culture. The common pairs of opposition are me/classmates, student/teacher, and student/parent. The stereotypical roles reflected in the memes can be analysed figuratively via the ambivalent trickster figure, known from earlier folklore studies. Students are shown as cunning go-getters who use memes to discuss uncomfortable issues, mishaps, and problems. Stereotypically, the image of a teacher, but also that of a parent, is that of an authoritarian supervisor, a grade giver from the students’ perspective. This makes memes a highly important channel for schoolchildren to make their voice heard, either consciously or subconsciously. In the future, the material could be investigated in even greater detail from the aspect of youth language use and emotions, the interdisciplinary aspect, etc.
5

Fännikultuuri loomine koroonakriisis Eesti ja Valgevene jalgpallijuhtumite näitel

63%
Fiadotava A., Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2021
|
vol. 79
55-86
EN
The comparative study analyses the relationship between sports culture and the COVID-19 crisis based on the case studies of fan groups in Estonia and Belarus. Sports and the COVID-19 pandemic are closely interconnected. In the Estonian case, the official analysis results testify that during the first COVID-19 wave in spring 2020 the most affected region in the country was Saaremaa Island, where the virus was literally blown into the air by fan bugles at the international volleyball competition held on 4–5 March 2020. Belarusian sports events did not have such dramatic repercussions, but there were also coronavirus hotbeds in several popular football clubs. The two countries had different approaches to sports events. In Estonia, as in most European countries, all sports competitions and games were banned from 12 March to 17 May 2020, during the state of emergency, but in Belarus, normal sports life continued (except in the cases when there was a COVID-19 hotbed in a sports club). While Estonian football fans were forced to stay home and wait for the games to continue, Belarusian fans, unlike the rest of the world, enjoyed championship games and stadium life. The unique situation in Belarus drew the attention of world football fans to Belarusian football. During the pandemic, most fan activities took place online, making social media the most appropriate environment for this joint study. In this article, we compare the activities of Estonian and Belarusian football clubs during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic and analyse how fan activities continued on Facebook. We also describe the general situation in the field of sports during the pandemic. Our analysis shows that the pandemic not only changed the communication pattern between clubs and fans (from real life to the virtual world), but also affected the ratio of parasocial and social interaction. Despite the different situations in the two countries, there was a tendency for football players and club representatives to interact with fans more actively than usual. New forms of fandom required new creative solutions and ways of communicating, which involved humour, (audio)visual media and an emphasis on positive agenda.
6

Soimuvaljendid: saatmine olematusse

63%
Babič S., Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2019
|
vol. 74
191-208
EN
This study comparatively analyses swearing material in the Slovenian and Estonian languages in order to show the lexical and structural similarities/differences between swearing and incantations present in the material and to argue that swearing is not only a way to give voice to taboos, but is similar to incantations. The basic premise underlying the analysis is the existence of the “go to X” formula found both in the material and in the two genres analysed. Place X is the place of origin, non-existence or chaos to which the unwanted is sent. There are more than 50 different variants of the formula “go to X” that we can detect in both Estonian and Slovenian languages; in addition, we consider the phrases which carry the idea to fend off someone or send them somewhere, but they are in a different formulation. The adverbial slot in the phrase ‘go to X’ may be filled by a variety of expressions, all of which have had different connotations throughout time, although they are connected with chaos, in which nothing living exists, or the place of origin to send the evil back to from where it came (spells are also expelled by counting back, but it does not reveal in swearwords). In swearing we can specify three major groups of mentioned places to which one expels another person: 1) places linked with religion and the supernatural; 2) sexual and reproductive organs as a place of extinction; 3) places signified by non-taboo expressions that connote taboo words. The analysis of Slovenian and Estonian swearing expressions with the formula “go to X” showed not only that this material has preserved some pagan gods and concepts of sacred places (Svarun, Perun, concept of forest, swamp mountains, etc.), which are not alive in religious contexts anymore, but also the concepts of places in which a human does not live, and places of chaos and emptiness, which can also be linked with incantations. These swearing formulas are similar to incantations, i.e., words and rituals to expel the evil, including curses. Incantations send the curse into emptiness or back to its origin. Similarly, swearwords with the formula “go to X” send another person into his or her origin (inherent in the physical conception), or into chaos, which is the conceptually fitting hell or devil’s place. At the same time, it reveals a different concept of human origin and existence: when religion and god were on a pedestal and higher forces gave life to the human being, the worst violation was mentioning god and devil in swearing. When someone was sent to hell, he or she vanished into chaos and destruction. By accepting that a human being originates in a human body as a result of sexual intercourse, and by accepting the world of intimacy as an important part of human existence, swearing gained lexis from the field of reproductive and intimate organs and sexual intercourse. Sending the person back into mother’s uterus or even further, into the penis (which would be pre-conception period, pre-existence), can show us the sender’s aim to negate the existence of that person. In both cases utterances with the formula “go to X” deal with the person’s origin, birth, and existence, trying to negate him or her or to fend them off, as if the “persecuted person” were the evil, a curse which has been brought upon someone and needs to be expelled; we exorcise the person, trying to negate him or her. With his or her death, all the headaches and illnesses originating from them would vanish; our life would become nicer and calmer. With these swearwords a person can be expelled either to the place where no (religious/Christian) soul exists, like hell, or into their point of origin, with the idea that if they had not been born, if they returned to cunt or dick, wherever they came from, life would gain colours again (Nežmah 1997: 131). Therefore, these places – either places of non-existence or places of origin – have the function of places of dissolution. Both concepts of these places send one into nothingness, non-existence, where nothing living exists. What becomes obvious is the fact that in both concepts – religious or physical – places of dissolution are directly connected with the concept of our existence and socialisation. Swearwords with the formula “go to X” try to negate our existence either way.
7

Tabust saab kommunikatsioon: dopinguteemaline huumor kultuuride dialoogis

63%
Laineste L., Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2020
|
vol. 77
31-60
EN
The Internet affects the adaption and translation of humour through faster dissemination, but also by influencing the content. This influence is especially palpable in languages that recycle – adapt and translate – texts from mostly English-language jokelore and meme pools. This article gives an overview of humorous memes created in response to taboo and concealment of two doping scandals (Lance Armstrong in 2012, and cross-country skiers in February 2019). The authors compare the two corpora from a global and local perspective in order to pinpoint repeating and diverging patterns and to understand the mechanisms of humour. The two cases serve as an example of the process of cultural translation and express the tension of the local and the global. The analysis is informed by Limor Shifman’s approach to memes and Sara Cannizzaro’s cultural-semiotic translation theory, which see cultural adaptation as a folkloric and creative process. The study addresses the following questions: Which topics repeat globally and which are local? Which global and local popular cultural narratives are used in constructing the memes? How well do memes “translate” from global to local contexts? What are the main reasons for untranslatability? What mechanisms are frequently used to deliver a humorous effect? The replies to these questions will help explicate meme adaptation as an important element in the process of cultural translation. Overall, the authors propose that meme mechanisms have an equal potential in different languages, regardless of the number of people who speak the language.
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