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EN
A skirmisher is a role played by some politicians to benefit their political formations, but above all – to bring as big loss as possible to their political rivals. The article analyzes strategies, tactics and selected persuasion techniques used by politicians who play the role of skirmishers on the Polish political scene. Facebook activities of two politicians: Stefan Niesiołowski and Krystyna Pawłowicz served as examples for the analyses.
EN
The article concerns an analysis of the types of positioning an electoral agenda adopted by the Polish political parties during the political campaign before the elections to the European Parliament in 2014. Positioning the electoral offer has been treated as one of the main elements of the electoral strategies of political parties, as the way of defining their electoral goals and identifying their strengths and weaknesses as well as opportunities and threats. The scope of analysis assumes main Polish political parties represented in the Polish parliament in the years 2011 - 2014 and additionally the party that managed to cross the entry barrier into the parliamentary market in the EP election in 2014.
EN
The article presents the analysis of selected aspects of the activity of new parties in ten countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 1991 to 2018. The author focuses primarily on the support that the newcomers garnered in their first elections to the lower chambers of national parliaments. The election results are treated as indicators as to the openness of political markets. Furthermore, the author examines the number and scale of new entities that gained parliamentary representation.
PL
Celem artykułu była analiza wybranych aspektów aktywności partii nowych na scenach politycznych dziesięciu państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 1991–2018. Autor skupił uwagę przede wszystkim na skali poparcia wyborczego, uzyskiwanego przez partie nowe w wyborach do izby niższej parlamentów, jako jednej z przesłanek decydujących o otwartości rynków politycznych. Analizie poddano także liczbę i wielkość (mierzoną skalą poparcia wyborczego) partii nowych, które uzyskały reprezentację parlamentarną w państwach regionu.
EN
This paper is devoted (relates to) to an analysis of a local political scene before the local government election in 2010. The presented discussion is related primarily to (Main areas of this discussion are:): • The nature of the political competition in Wrocław, which has taken place so far; • The process of gradual monopolization of the local market by the Centre-Right groupings; • And the fragmentation of the previous ruling camp, revealed in the local government’s term of office 2006–2010.
EN
The analysis of women’s participation in elections has long been an important theme within political studies. Scholars have looked at factors that affect women’s participation in politics in general, as well as their decisions to run in parliamentary or regional elections. In 2011, as the second Central and Eastern Europe country (the first being Slovenia), Poland introduced gender quotas into the proportional electoral system. Researchers looking into the consequences of such systemic solutions in various countries have established that the intended goal of increasing the proportion of women in legislative bodies has not always been achieved. In fact, the outcomes have varied widely. Such discrepancies invite further examination. The presented study focuses on regional assembly elections in Poland between 2010 and 2018. The article elaborates on and complements the results of the authors’ prior work on the 2010 and 2014 elections. The research looks at how effective women were in winning the available mandates, what were their placements and which parties managed to get most women into the assemblies.
EN
The following article concerns selected aspects of the implementation of the quota system in elections to the regional assemblies (Sejmik wojewódzki) in Poland. This comparative analysis concerns two elections: in 2010 (before the quota system was introduced) and in 2014 (after its introduction). The key questions the authors would like to address involve the number of women represented on the electoral lists in 2010 and 2014 respectively, and the number of mandates in regional assemblies awarded to women before and after the quota system was introduced, as well as the relationship between the position on the electoral list and mandates awarded to female candidates. The authors also focus on the personnel policies of political parties. Out of all regional elections, the regional assembly elections were characterized by the highest level of party dependency. Introducing the quota system resulted in an increase in the number of women represented on electoral lists, yet it did not help increase the number of mandates awarded to female candidates. One of the reasons for this situation was the strategy adopted when the positions on the electoral lists were awarded by the parties with the largest political support. The representation of women on the upper positions of the electoral lists is smaller than the quota of female representatives imposed by the electoral law, and the larger number of women on the positions further below on the electoral lists translates into smaller chances of these candidates gaining a mandate. The source data for this research analysis comes from the National Electoral Commission.
PL
Celem artykułu jest zaproponowanie wkładu empirycznego do badań dotyczących rekrutacji do elit politycznych. Autorki zmierzają do określenia wzorców konstruowania list wyborczych w wyborach do sejmików wojewódzkich w 2010. Praca posiada charakter opisowy i wyjaśniający oraz jest oparta na studium przypadku, w którym dokonano analizy jakościowej biografii kandydatów. Zakres przedmiotowy badań obejmuje cztery największe partie polityczne Platformę Obywatelską (PO), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL) i Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (SLD).
EN
The aim of the article is to present an empirical contribution towards the research on the recruitment of political elites. It seeks to determine patterns by which candidates’ lists were composed in the 2010 regional assemblies election. It is descriptive and exploratory in nature and based on a case study containing a qualitative analysis of biographies of candidates that ran for seats. The scope of the research includes four national political parties: Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS), Polish People’s Party (PSL) and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD).
EN
Among the social and political outcomes of the pandemic in Poland, one should list the development of anti-COVID social movements. Their specific character, as compared to other social movements, is the subject of exploration in this paper. The basic objective of the paper is thus to analyse the motivations of members and supporters of the so-called corona-sceptic movement at the early stage of its presence in the Polish political arena. Key questions the authors sought to answer concern individuals’ assessment of their situation associated with the pandemic and their attitude to public institutions managing the crisis on behalf of the government. The paper is based on the results of a quantitative research carried out in December 2020.
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