Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 5

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
PL
Rok 1923 zajmuje ważne miejsce w historii Niemiec pierwszej połowy XX wieku. Kraj był w stanie głębokiego kryzysu politycznego, gospodarczego i ustrojowego, wywołanego skutkami pierwszej wojny światowej i postanowieniami traktatu wersalskiego. Stan ten nie ominął także prowincji Pomorze, gdzie na ogólnoniemieckie zjawiska nakładał się fakt, że prowincja ta stała się obszarem granicznym wobec wskrzeszonego państwa polskiego. Szczególnie prawica polityczna, skupiona głównie w Niemiecko-Narodowej Partii Ludowej (DNVP), najsilniejszej i najbardziej wpływowej partii politycznej w prowincji Pomorze, uczyniła ze swojej gazety – „Pommersche Tagespost” – ważny instrument walki z młodą Republiką Weimarską. Główne argumenty tej kampanii przeciw demokracji niemieckiej właściwie nie różniły się wiele od tych, którymi prawicowe partie polityczne uderzały w rządy republiki. Na czoło wysuwały się zarzuty o pozostawanie kanclerzy i ministrów na służbie mocarstw zachodnich, zwłaszcza znienawidzonej Francji, a także międzynarodowego kapitału i „żydowskiej międzynarodówki”. Polityka Polski wobec Niemiec miała pogłębiać konsekwencje „zbójeckiego pokoju w Wersalu”. Elementami wyróżniającymi prasę prawicy prowincji Pomorze od mediów prawicy z centralnych lub południowych części Niemiec było ulokowanie w 1923 roku przez „Pommersche Tagespost” kampanii antypolskiej w międzynarodowym kontekście. Była nim okupacja Zagłębia Ruhry przez Francję i Belgię, z jej doniosłymi konsekwencjami. Polska miała odgrywać kluczową rolę w okrążaniu Niemiec. Podsycano szok, jakim dla mas Niemców w prowincji Pomorze było powstanie II RP. Kreowano wizerunek Polski jako potencjalnego agresora wobec słabych Niemiec. Warszawa, szczególnie w tymże 1923 roku, miała demonstrować swoją siłę i wrogie zamiary na Śląsku i w Prusach Wschodnich. Polskę ukazywano jako sąsiada planującego agresję na kolejne ziemie niemieckie, korzystającego z poparcia Francji, państwa szachującego pokonane Niemcy od wschodu. Straszono wizją wspólnie działających „paryskich i warszawskich rabusiów”. Do dalszych zagrożeń płynących ze wschodu należały masy Żydów, głównie z Galicji. Osiedlali się oni w Berlinie, siali tam jakoby przestępczość i uprawiali spekulację kosztownościami. Swoistym ukoronowaniem „polskiego niebezpieczeństwa” stała się emigracja tysięcy polskich robotników sezonowych do wschodnich prowincji Niemiec, którzy nie tracili ścisłych związków z ojczyzną. Listę zaciekłych ataków na Polskę zamykał antyniemiecki kurs Warszawy wobec mniejszości niemieckiej w nowych granicach II RP. Tę antypolską politykę informacyjną i antypolską propagandę ubierano w brutalną semantykę języka walki, wykluczając Polskę z grona narodów godnych posiadać własne państwo narodowe.
EN
The article presents the steps that lead to the creation of the University of Szczecin, as they were reported in “Rzeczpospolita”. The newspaper was the instrument of propaganda and information front of government in Poland in the 80s of the twentieth century. The text has the feature a chronicle text of factual reports about the idea of the University of Szczecin in the pages of the official daily newspaper of the cabinet of Wojciech Jaruzelski. It also contains the minimum necessary explanations of the broader political and social context of the first half of the 80s in the 20th century.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2011
|
vol. 76
|
issue 2
111-128
XX
The research activity of young historians (1970), particularly reflected in the debate about German guilt and shame, constitutes an important part of the 20th century German historiography in the Federal Republic of Germany. The research on the history of Jews in Germany and the Holocaust occupy a special place there. The work of Henning Albrecht Antiliberalismus und Antisemitismus. Herman Wagener und die preussischen Sozialkon- servativen 1855–1873 deals with this subject. It proposes a thesis according to which anti-Semitism originated much earlier than it was supposed. Henning Albrecht shifts it from the 1870s–1890s to the period of Reaction and the New Era. It was then that the fusion of religious, cultural and racist motives took place, and anti-Semitism started to occupy an important place in the political culture of the state of law, infecting part of the elite and society. In the 1850s social conservatives initiated the monarchist- estate protest against capitalist changes, considering them dangerous to the economic existence of the rural social strata and lower-middle class, and pernicious to traditional cultural and spiritual values. In the background there appeared a fear of weakening the traditional political hegemony of aristocracy and noblemen in the face of political changes after the revolution of 1848. Hermann Wagener became a creator of the strategy of protest. The aim of his activity was to politically and morally discredit liberalism in economy and politics. In the propaganda activity he and his supporters blamed Jews for the undergoing changes. This activity was conducted in a concealed way. H. Albrecht underlines that in the 1850s and early 1860s the right wing constructed an extensive front of political and ideological influence. The front possessed a cohesive program and a variety of forms of influence. It was devoid of ethical and moral inhibitions in humiliating and stigmatizing the opponent. The nouns such as “liberalism” and “Jewishness” were treated as synonyms of evil, state-dynastic denial and treason of Germany, true Germans, religion, morality, and the Church. Social conservatives acted through the parliament and political parties, as well as through the middleclass business circles. The criticism of liberalism from 1853/55 was fed on the anti-Semitic stereotype motivated by religion and racism. Anti-Semitism abounded in the press, brochures and leaflets, widely-read novels, which stimulated both imagination and the lowest instincts. Such content actively started to shape the biological and racist bases of anti-Semitism at the beginning of the second half of the 19th century. Their authors focused on the conspiracy of the world Jewry who hated Christianity and tradition. Liberals and Jews were considered to destroy the foundations of the social order. The culmination of this subversive and amoral activity of Israelites was supposed to be their dream to create “a modern Jewish state” on the ruins of Christian Europe. The author shows the artistic-literal devices with the help of which conservatives wanted to build the anti-Semitic front of “true” Germans. It consisted in developed semantics and growing caricature, which showed Jews as repulsive creatures, not deserving sympathy, and preying on hard-working farmers and craftsmen. Caricatures present a gallery of gloomy people, very well-dressed, corpulent, with exposed features of physiognomy suggesting insatiable desire for money, power and carnal pleasures. Scornful and aggressive commentaries strengthened the force of the effect of the message of thousands of drawings. The dissertation makes the reader think that ideas promoted by the Nazi Der Stürmer were not original as Der kleine Reaktionär 150 years ago presented similar views.
EN
In 1964 one of the most important academic journals of the Szczecin academic community, ‘Szczecin’, was transformed into the ‘West-Pomeranian Journal’ (Przegląd Zachodniopomorski); after the change it was still created mainly by historians. Together with the change the journal received more solid fi nancial foundations, a proper background of authors, and it became a strictly academic quarterly. In the years 1963–1985 the journal was run by Henryk Lesiński, in the years 1985–2012 by Tadeusz Białecki. In the editorial staff there were some outstanding personalities of several academic disciplines from Szczecin. The articles published covered the questions of history, Polish studies, sociology, economics, demography, law, culture, architecture, Polish-German relations, West- Pomeranian geography. There were also published monothematic studies, session materials and jubilee issues of outstanding representatives of the academic community. The editors managed to present a signifi cant part of the local academic production in the pages of the journal and to infl uence the development of the local academic community. There were articles from other academic centres in Poland and in the German Democratic Republic. In the 1960s and 1970s the contents of the journal show that its signifi cant part did not deal with the humanities subjects; there were many materials from the sphere of economy, agricultural and marine sciences, the favourite guilds of the State and the Party. However, in the 1980s those spheres gradually disappeared from the pages of the journal. The Szczecin scholars who wrote for the journal represented the local universities and other humanistic institutions. In the materials concerning history all the historical epochs were dealt with. The journal was the brainchild of the People’s Republic of Poland and the scientifi c policy of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR). With the passing of time, endeavours of the founders and editors and the local communities in three generations converted the journal into an important forum to elevate the successive young generations of humanists. On the other hand, in the fi rst quarter of the century of its existence, or a bit longer, the contents of the ‘West-Pomeranian Journal’ refl ected the German occupation experiences and the political views of the founders and their attitude of admiration towards the socialist regime and their acceptance of the historic alliance with the socialist Germany. They claimed that there was no alternative for what had happened in Poland after 1944/45. They rendered considerable services to create successive generations of Polish intelligentsia in the Polish West. If the journal is analysed from the standpoint of today, if the endeavours of its founders and editors and the whole academic community are taken into consideration, if it is seen as the work of three generations, it is becoming obvious that the journal has been an important forum to elevate the successive young generations of humanists. In the sphere of the humanities the questions most frequently treated have been the ones taken from history, sociology, the history of art and the history of architecture. As far as history is concerned, it has been the Szczecin community that contributed most to the journal; in the pages of the journal new historical epochs have appeared, the problems have been treated more precisely, the methodological tools have become more sophisticated; these facts prove that the academic community of Szczecin and Western Pomerania has made progress and has consolidated.
EN
The phenomenon of forced labour of Poles in the period of the Second World War in the area of West Pomerania already has some historiography. The authors attempt to present a new publication created in Polish and German cooperation, Miejsca pracy przymusowej Polaków w Stralsrundzie i Stargardzie (The areas of forced labour of Poles in Stralsrund and Stargard) in the context of the existing literature on the subject. The paper discusses the contents of the publication, and accentuates on its ground-breaking character through, hitherto unknown to the Polish historiography, a topographically precise image of the micro-world of forced labour, combining like never before the topics of history, sociology, psychology and cultural anthropology. The book is characterised by its powerful imagery and equally suggestive narration which, along with the apt choice of iconography, allows the reader to follow the authors along the path of foreigners subjected to forced labour.
PL
Zjawisko pracy przymusowej Polaków w okresie II wojny światowej na obszarze Pomorza doczekało się już wielu opracowań historycznych. Autorzy artykułu omawiają nową publikację, powstałą we współpracy polskiej i niemieckiej, pt. Miejsca pracy przymusowej Polaków w Stralsundzie i Stargardzie, ukazując ją na tle dotychczasowej literatury przedmiotu. Omówiono treść niniejszej publikacji oraz uwypuklono jej przełomowy charakter, polegający na – nieznanym dotychczas w historiografii polskiej – ukazaniu dokładnego topograficznie obrazu mikroświata pracy przymusowej i łączeniu, jak nigdy dotąd, wątków historii, socjologii, psychologii i antropologii kulturowej. Książkę cechuje wielka siła wyrazu i sugestywna narracja, która wraz z odpowiednim doborem ikonografii pozwala czytelnikowi wraz z autorami wędrować trasą losu obcokrajowców-robotników przymusowych.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.