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Podwójny kryzys w Mali i jego międzynarodowe reperkusje

100%
Kusion M.
Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe
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2013
|
issue 3
73-92
EN
Article describes a complex political crisis lasting in Mali and his probable implications. There were presented in detail two fundamental aspects of this crisis such as: the Tuareg (MNLA) and islamists rebellion started in January as well as military coup from march 2012. It was claimed that the military intervention at the beginning of 2013 r., in which French army was involved, was an indispensable solution – but insufficient. It was found that sweeping reforms are needed to value Tuareg participation in political and economic life of the country (for eg. in the form of autonomy). It was demonstrated that labile interior situation in Mali might destabilize all order in Western and Sub-Saharan Africa as well as in Sahel area by increasing the threat of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and crime (especially by AKIM, Boko Haram and MUJAO). Not to mention the safety of North Africa, where the situation after the Arab Spring is still fragile, and in the longer term, Europe and the USA.
2
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Określanie terenu uczelni. Problemy prawne i postulaty

100%
Kusion M.
Państwo i Społeczeństwo
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2014
|
issue 4
201-2016
EN
The article analyzed the content of Art. 227 part 2 of the polish Higher Education Law (from 27 July 2005). In accordance with this rule the rector determines the university area in consultation with the competent authority of local government. There were indicated numerous ambiguities associated with the application of this rule as well as his implications on the field of administrative, civil and criminal law. It proposed several methods for determining the university area. It was also found de lege lata that if the university area designations are within the territory of more than one municipality, the right solution seems to be agreement between rector and the council of each of these municipalities individually. If the subject would exceed the capacity of the municipality (or municipalities) authorities, then, according to the principle of subsidiarity, district would be appropriate unit of local government, followed by the voivodeship.
3
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Boko Haram – od lokalnej sekty do międzynarodowej organizacji terrorystycznej?

100%
Kusion M.
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
|
2012
|
issue 3
41-61
EN
Boko Haram is a jihadist Salafisect which was formed around 2002 in northeastern Nigeria. Since 2010 the sect has rapidly expanded not only its missionary activity but has also brutally attacked Nigerian authorities as well as Christians. Boko Haram is often called the “African (Nigerian) Talibans” because its members insist on an implementation of the Sharia Law all over the country and reject everything which is related to the European culture (democracy, Darwin’s theory, the way of education). As a lot of Muslims perceive the sect as the best solution for Nigerian poverty, the lack of opportunities and incompetent governments, Boko Haram is gaining more and more popularity. There are increasing speculations that Boko Haram is already a serious threat not only in the local or Nigerian dimension but also in the international area because of its alleged links with AlQaeda extremists and al-Shebaab.
PL
Boko Haram to salaficka sekta dżihadystów, powstała około 2002 r. w północno-wschodniej Nigerii. Od 2010 r. dynamicznie rozwija nie tylko działalność misyjną, ale i przeprowadza brutalne zamachy na nigeryjskich chrześcijan i władze. Boko Haram często określa się mianem „afrykańskich (nigeryjskich) talibów”, ponieważ jej członkowie żądają proklamowania szariatu w całym kraju i kontestują wszystko, co wiąże się z zachodnią kulturą (np. model ustroju, nauczania, teoria Darwina). Sekta zyskuje coraz większą popularność wśród ubogich muzułmanów rozczarowanych biedą i nieudolnymi rządami. Coraz częściej także spekuluje się, że Boko Haram stwarza poważne zagrożenie nie tylko dla bezpieczeństwa lokalnego, ale i międzynarodowego, zwłaszcza gdy potwierdzenie znajdą powiązania sekty z aparatem państwowym, przestępczością zorganizowaną, ale również Al-Kaidą i Al-Shabaab.
4
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Internet i podsłuchy, czyli prowokacja artystyczna i dziennikarska przy wykorzystaniu nowoczesnych technologii – wybrane aspekty oceny prawnokarnej

63%
Kusion M., Litwin K.
Studia Prawnicze: rozprawy i materiały
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2013
|
issue 1(12)
65-82
EN
The article presents the view that the journalists do not receive the right to look for evidence and information about the sources of evidence, unknown to law enforcement agencies for which it can be a significant help. This may be also the kind of realization of civil and professional obligation. It can’t be also denied guaranteed in the Constitution a freedom of speech and artistic expression. On the other hand the behavior of journalists must be in accordance with the law. The prosecution of offenders and the collection and preservation of evidence is not in fact in the competence of journalists. However, artist should not claim the absolute right to violate the rights of third parties. It was noted that the artistic or journalistic provocation may be under certain conditions circumstances exempting unlawful offense. Because of the absence of the positive rule in Polish law which would clearly indicate, at least the limits of legality of these actions, it was found that the consideration of excluding criminal responsibility for acts done under provocation, it seems most appropriate to adopt a vis maior. However the proportion of goods should always be balanced on the basis of the described premises. The legislature should consider the introduction of relevant legal regulations especially in view of the use of modern technology by agents provocateurs.
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