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Mit Stepana Bandery

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The article aims to familiarize the readers with the mythologization of Stepan Bandera. This figure currently does not enjoy popularity among Ukrainians, but he is used in creating historical politics, which has a direct impact on the shaping of Ukraine's foreign policy and relations with other countries. Using the comparative method and the method of critical analysis, the following research hypotheses were verified: Stepan Bandera is not a leader or an outstanding historical hero in the eyes of all Ukrainians, and his assessment varies regionally. Bandera is not a figure that can gain popularity in a democratic state, and contemporary Ukrainian leaders distance themselves from him. The popularity of Bandera is a myth that has become part of Polish historical and foreign policy, but also an element of the interpretation of patriotism as an opposition to Russia, more and more common in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study is that the historical memory in Ukraine is regionalised and it is impossible to consider Bandera as the hero of the whole country, and the Ukrainian perception of nationalism does not match the Polish point of view. As a kind of symbol, it certainly does not play a major role in Ukraine's social or political life, but rather serves to unite the nation around a common idea.
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The myth of Stepan Bandera

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EN
The purpose of the article is to discuss the mythologisation of Stepan Bandera so as to make it known to a wider readership. Bandera is not a popular figure among Ukrainians nowadays, but he is used in shaping historical politics, which has a direct impact on Ukraine’s foreign policy and relations with other countries. Applying the comparative method and the method of critical analysis, the following research hypotheses were examined: Stepan Bandera is not a leader or an outstanding historical hero in the eyes of all Ukrainians, and how he is assessed varies regionally; Bandera is not a figure who would gain popularity in a democratic state, and contemporary Ukrainian leaders distance themselves from him. Bandera’s popularity is a myth that has shaped both Polish historical and foreign policy, but is also part of the interpretation of patriotism, understood as resistance to Russia, that is becoming increasingly common in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study is that historical memory in Ukraine is regionalised and Bandera cannot be considered a hero of the whole country, and the Ukrainian perception of nationalism diverges from the Polish view. As a specific symbol, he certainly does not play a major role in the social or political life of Ukraine, but rather serves to unite the nation around a common cause.
3
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EN
The Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine in 2006 remained in the shadow of the 2004 Presidential Election and the Orange Revolution. The changes, which to a large extent resulted from the events of 2004-2005, influenced the shape of the Ukrainian political scene and Kiev’s foreign and domestic policy. They have consolidated the ineffective “Third Way” policy, implemented in Ukraine, which is to allow the state to maintain a balance between the East and the West, and in fact strengthening the dependence, especially economic, on Russia. The new Electoral Ordinance (though it was expected to be beneficial for the democratization process) did not reduce the participation of oligarchs in the political life, but it changed the voting results. Politicians, chosen by citizens, have soon found themselves in the opposition’s ranks. The forced coalitions and the lack of a charismatic leader would eventually result in a deepening state’s weakness.
RU
Парламентские выборы на Украине в 2006 г. остались в тени президентских выборов 2004 г. и Оранжевой революции. Перемены, которые преимущественно были следствием событий 2004-2005 гг., повлияли на политическую сцену, а также на внешнюю и внутреннюю политику Киева. Таким образом они упрочнили его неэффективную политику «третьего пути», которая должна была позволить государству сохранить равновесие между Востоком и Западом, а фактически увеличивавшую зависимость, прежде всего экономическую, от России. Новая избирательная система (хотя и ожидалось, что будет способствовать процессу демократизации) не ограничила участия олигархов в политической жизни, но изменила результаты голосования. Политики, которых выбрали избиратели, в конечном итоге оказались в рядах оппозиции, а принужденные коалиции и отсутствие харизматичного лидера привели со временем к большему ослаблению государства.
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