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Nonpartisan Electoral Committees in Local Government Elections in Poland in 2018

100%
Czyżniewski M.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2019
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issue 4 (48)
617-631
EN
The article presents the result of quantitative research on local government elections in Poland carried out on October 21 and November 4, 2018. Its goal is to examine the proportions of lists registered by political parties and nonpartisan electoral committees and the mandates they have obtained. This proportion shows the degree of presence of political parties in local governments of various levels and sizes. The data were selected so that all provinces in Poland were examined (16), a number of districts were randomly selected (in provinces with less than 20 districts, data from half districts were examined, in provinces with over 20 districts, from one third). Within the selected districts, all communes were examined. The quantitative research shows that local governments elected in 2018 are not political only in small and medium-sized communes, in which the councils are made up mostly of councilors who were candidates from nonpartisan committees.
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Pozycja prezydenta Republiki Czeskiej po wprowadzeniu bezpośrednich wyborów prezydenckich

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Czyżniewski M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
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2021
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issue 5 (63)
89-100
EN
In 2011, direct presidential elections were introduced in the Czech Republic. The Author examines how this changed the position of the President of the Republic. The prevailing opinion among constitutionalists is that direct elections are an element of creating a strong position of the president in a democratic system, and the president elected in this way should have broad powers and play an important role in the political system of the country. Analyzing the provisions of the constitution and the political activity of the presidents of the Czech Republic, the Author concludes that, contrary to this thesis, the Czech legislator decided to balance the strong legitimacy of direct elections with a limited catalog of competences. This happened because the change in the way the president was elected was a political project, and not the result of a substantive debate on the constitutional order.
PL
W 2011 r. w Republice Czeskiej wprowadzono bezpośrednie wybory prezydenckie. Autor bada jak zmieniło to pozycję prezydenta Republiki. Wśród konstytucjonalistów przeważa teza, że wybory bezpośrednie są elementem budowy silnej pozycji prezydenta w ustroju demokratycznym, a wybrany w ten sposób prezydent powinien mieć szerokie kompetencje i odgrywać istotną rolę w systemie politycznym danego państwa. Analizując przepisy konstytucji oraz aktywność polityczną prezydentów Republiki Czeskiej, autor uznaje, że wbrew tej tezie, czeski ustawodawca zdecydował się zrównoważyć silną legitymację wyborów powszechnych ograniczonym katalogiem kompetencji. Stało się tak, ponieważ zmiana sposobu wyboru prezydenta była projektem politycznym, a nie efektem merytorycznej debaty nad porządkiem konstytucyjnym.
3
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Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne Republiki Czeskiej w kontekście polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej

100%
Czyżniewski M.
Doctrina. Studia społeczno-polityczne
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2010
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vol. 7
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issue 7
23-29
PL
The Czech Republic struggles with most of the problems related to energy security issues that need to be solved at the level of European Union; that is why the country supports creation of EU energy policy and power industry was one of the three pillars of Czech presidency in EU in 2009. To a great extent, the Czech economy is dependent on the import of natural gas and oil, mainly from Russia, and has limited possibilities for development of alternative energy sources. Threats resulting from old infrastructure of production and transport of energy, as well as low energy efficiency, are serious problems. Czech people pay a lot of attention to European discussion on the development of nuclear power industry that can become one of the pillars of energy production in Czech Republic in the future. They are also vivid supporters of liberalization of energy markets which allowed to finish works on the third energy liberalization package.
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Wybory do Izby Poselskiej w 2017 roku jako wynik zmian politycznych w Republice Czeskiej

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Czyżniewski M.
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica
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2018
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vol. 84
135-147
EN
Elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, held on October 20 and 21, 2017, brought about the deepest change in the political system in that country. The composition of the Chamber, in comparison with the previous elections, changed distinctly, the potent parties had weakened and new parties succeeded. The new parties in the Chamber do not represent the traditional model of a political party, they do not bring new ideas and they do not grow out of the old ideological systems. They are populist parties that use and evoke social emotions and offering simple solutions, which are referred to as bussines-firm parties. The author emphasizes that the changes made in 2017, although very deep, are a natural consequence of trends visible earlier, at least since 2010 elections.
PL
Wybory do Izby Deputowanych Parlamentu Republiki Czeskiej, które odbyły się w dniach 20 i 21 października 2017 roku, spowodowały najgłębsze zmiany w systemie politycz­nym w tym kraju. Skład Izby, w porównaniu z poprzednimi wyborami, wyraźnie się zmienił, silne partie osłabły, a sukces odniosły nowe partie. Nowe partie w Izbie nie reprezentują tradycyjnego modelu partii politycznej, nie przynoszą nowych pomysłów i nie wyrastają ze starych systemów ideologicznych. Są partiami populistycznymi, które wykorzystują i wywołują społeczne emocje i oferują proste rozwiązania i są nazywane partiami biznesowo-firmowymi. Autor podkreśla, że zmiany dokonane w 2017 roku, choć bardzo głębokie, są naturalną konsekwencją tendencji widocz­nych wcześniej, przynajmniej od wyborów w 2010 roku.
5
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Dispute over the Powers of the President of the Czech Republic

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Czyżniewski M.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
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2021
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issue 4 (50)
81-92
EN
This article aims to analyze disputes and discussions on the powers of the President of the Republic, which have been happening since the establishment of the Czech Republic in 1993. These occurred when the President tried to interpret the provisions of the Constitution, took actions beyond their framework, or considered that his powers did not impose an obligation to act automatically. The disputes over the President’s powers were, therefore, not the result of theoretical discussions on the constitutional order of the Czech Republic, but were the result of the President’s involvement in the political life of the country, and above all, the decisions that did not correspond to the opinions and actions of the government. Disputes did not have an impact on a permanent change in the constitutional order. For example, there was no reason for an amendment to the Constitution that would extend, restrict, or clarify those powers.
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Teza o zbiorowej odpowiedzialności narodu za wywołanie i skutki wojny na przykładzie Niemców czechosłowackich

100%
Czyżniewski M.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2009
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vol. 21
270-286
EN
THE OPINION THAT the whole German nation is responsible for the outbreak of World War II was a subject of many discussions over post-war order in Europe and the future of Germany. But it became particularly important for the Czech political thought. The statement that the whole German population is responsible for the crimes of war, became the starting point for the discussion about the future of the Czech Republic and the solution to the problem of German minority, which had been a problem for Czechs for 20 years, and which caused the decline of the young state – the Czechoslovak Republic. Although not all Sudeten German supported Hitler and many of them even became the Nazi persecution victims, considering the German population in general as the one to be guilty for causing and consequences of the war, dominated in thinking about the future of the country. The idea of collective responsibility, which was against the international law, was not the official slogan of the Czechoslovakian authorities and other active political groups in the country and those in exile, and the documents which were supposed to regulate the reconstruction of life after the war, including settling up the Nazi crimes, determined the groups which were to receive punishment and the ones which could avoid being punished. But in practice the distinction was not taken into account, which was particularly noticeable in case of forced displacements of German population from Czechoslovakia, which included almost all German, irrespective of their attitude to the Nazi regime. The principle of the collective responsibility often appeared in the statements of prominent politicians of all Czech parties. The thesis of the collective guilt served not only as a tool for settling up the war crimes, but mainly to solve the problem of national minorities once and for all, which influenced significantly the domestic situation and the future of the First Republic. According to such an attitude, the thesis was not a way to reckon with the past, but the element of the construction of the Czechoslovakian future. It is obvious that for the country’s authorities and its citizens the safety was more important than law standards and international agreements.
7
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Zmiana systemu partyjnego Republiki Czeskiej po wyborach do Izby Poselskiej w 2013 roku

100%
Czyżniewski M.
Studia Wyborcze
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2014
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vol. tom XVII
91-109
PL
Od czasu pierwszych wyborów do Izby Poselskiej (1996 r.) w Republice Czeskiej utrzymywał się ustabilizowany system wielopartyjny z dwiema partiami dominującymi – lewicową ČSSD i prawicową ODS – partią komunistyczną jako trzecią siłą w Izbie oraz dwiema lub trzema mniejszymi partiami prawicowymi lub centroprawicowymi. W wyniku przedterminowych wyborów przeprowadzonych 25 i 26 października mandaty uzyskało aż siedem partii. Wybory oznaczały zmianę dotychczasowego systemu partyjnego, ODS znalazła się wśród trzech partii o najmniejszej liczbie posłów, a dwie zwycięskie partie po raz pierwszy nie mają ponad połowy miejsc w Izbie. Istotne jest wejście do Izby Poselskiej dwóch partii populistycznych, powstałych krótko przed wyborami, ANO i Úsvit. Największy sukces odniosła partia ANO, która jest drugą siłą w Izbie i ma tylko 3 mandaty mniej od zwycięskiej partii ČSSD. Zarówno ANO, jak i Úsvit można uznać za partie antysystemowe, bowiem swoją strategię wyborczą budowały na sprzeciwie wobec istniejącego systemu partyjnego w Republice Czeskiej i konsekwentnie odmawiają określenia się na linii lewica/prawica. Koalicja rządowa stworzona przez lewicową ODS, populistyczną ANO i centrową partię chadecko-ludową (KDU–ČSL) nie jest oparta na bliskości ideałów, a socjaldemokraci nie będą mogli przeprowadzić najważniejszych zmian zapowiadanych w trakcie kampanii, takich jak wzmocnienie ochrony socjalnej obywateli oraz zmiany w ustawie o restytucji majątku kościelnego.
EN
Since the first election for the Chamber of Deputies (1996) in the Czech Republic there has remained stable multi-party system with two dominant parties – left-wing ČSSD and right-wing ODS, the communist party as a third force in the Chamber and with two or three smaller right or centre-right wing parties. Seven parties received seats as a result of the early legislative election held on 25 and 26 October. The election resulted in a change of the existing party system – the ODS was amongst the three parties with the smallest number of deputies and the two winning parties did not hold more than half of the seats in the Chamber for the first time. It was important that the two populist parties, which occurred shortly before the election, ANO and Úsvit, entered into the Chamber of Deputies. The greatest success was achieved by the party ANO, which is the second force in the Chamber and has only 3 seats fewer than the winning Social-Democratic Party. ANO and Úsvit can be regarded as anti-system parties, since their election strategy was based on opposition to the existing party system in the Republic and both consistently refused to identify themselves on the left/right line. The coalition created by left-wing ČSSD, populist ANO and centrist, christian-democratic and agrarian party (KDU– ČSL) was not based on the proximity of ideals and the Social Democrats would not be able to carry out most important changes announced during the campaign, which was strengthening social protection of citizens and the changes in the law on the restitution of church property.
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