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Od „legalnej rewolucji” do kontrrewolucji. Kryzys konstytucjonalizmu liberalno-demokratycznego w Polsce

100%
Skąpska G.
Przegląd Prawa i Administracji
|
2017
|
vol. 110
65-81
EN
This paper debates the crisis of the rule of law and liberal constitutionalism with regard to processes and events in Poland after the parliamentary elections in 2015. Iwill shortly debate the previous events in Hungary — amodel for actions undertaken in Poland. In the first part this paper debates on the concept of “legal revolutions” which took place in the East Central Europe in 1989. They succeed in the institutionalization of the rule of law and liberal-democratic constitutionalism. The second part of the paper presents the swift, ruthless and brutal destruction of the rule of law. In the third part the “flood” of legal regulations, especially in the domains of economic transactions is shortly presented, and the part four debates cultural contexts of the current counterrevolutions. Here axiological foundations of liberal-democratic constitutionalism and the rule of law are discussed, and the issues of legal hypocrisy and legal nihilism in the context of Eastern European Syndrome are presented.
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Znieważający konstytucjonalizm i konstytucjonalizm znieważony. Refleksja socjologiczna na temat kryzysu liberalno-demokratycznego konstytucjonalizmu w Europie pokomunistycznej

100%
Skąpska G.
Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
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2018
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vol. 7
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issue 1
276-301
PL
This paper debates abusive constitutionalism and constitutionalism abused as ways to introduce a fundamental change of political system. Abusive constitutionalism consists in a change of a democratic regime in a less democratic one with the help of democratic means, i.e. democratically legitimized change of the existing constitution, or proclamation of a new constitution, as it recently happened in Hungary. An example of abused constitutionalism presents contemporary Poland. There the fundamental change of democratic regime happens notwithstanding the still binding constitution, as in an oblivion of it, by the means of ordinary laws proclaimed in a rush process by the ruling parliamentary majority. The whole process is steered in an informal way by the chairman of the ruling party. The important context of abusive constitutionalism, and of constitutionalism abused, as I am going to argue, presentst he crisis of liberal constitutionalism, the loss of its motivational force as a moral sign-post in the public sphere. Instead, one observes a retreat to some primordial and emotionally laden conceptualizations of a politically organized community (a Gemeinschaft) where emotions, primary bonds, foundational myths are more important than law and liberal constitution. Such a retreat results from the past but also presents a reaction to the growing complexity of the contemporary world, and involved risks.
3
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Pytanie w kwestii aktualności politycznej teorii Niklasa Luhmanna

100%
Skąpska G.
Horyzonty Polityki
|
2014
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vol. 5
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issue 12
31-42
PL
Po blisko trzydziestu latach od opublikowania przez Niklasa Luhmanna książki na temat państwa bezpieczeństwa socjalnego pojawia się pytanie o aktualność teorii politycznej tego autora, w tym w szczególności o aktualność koncepcji inkluzji politycznej. Poniższe krótkie uwagi stanowią rozwinięcie hipotezy o dezaktualizacji koncepcji  politycznej inkluzji, a przynajmniej ograniczeniu jej mocy wyjaśniającej. Systemem, którego skutki dotyczą coraz szerszych obszarów społecznych (a zatem dotyczą innych systemów funkcjonalnych, w tym systemu politycznego), staje się system ekonomiczny, rozumiany jako system efektywnej gospodarki. Hipoteza ta znajduje swoje uzasadnienie w analizie tak odległych obszarów jak prawo, ochrona zdrowia czy nauka. After almost thirty years when the Niklas Luhmann’s book on political theory of social security state was published a question emerges on the topicality of this author’s political theory. It is, in particular, a question on the theory of political inclusion. According to a hypothesis, debated in this paper, Niklas Luhmann’s political theory looses its immediate interest in the contemporary world, or at least, its explanatory potential is seriously limited. The system, whose consequences became ever more important for ever broader social areas, has become an economic system. This hypothesis is debated with regard to law, health care and science.
4
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Abuse of the Constitution as a Means of Political Change: Sociological Reflections on the Crisis of Constitutionalism in Poland

100%
Skąpska G.
Polish Sociological Review
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2019
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vol. 208
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issue 4
421-438
EN
This article aims to analyze abuse of a country’s constitution as a unique means by which fundamental changes can be introduced to the country’s political system. The term “abusive constitutionalism” is used to discuss the shift of the political system toward decreased democracy by means of changes to the constitution, as in the case of Hungary. In contemporary Poland, abuse of the constitution has entailed the creation of a parallel system via ordinary legislation passed rapidly by a simple parliamentary majority. The thesis of this paper is that “abusive constitutionalism” and an “abused constitutionalism” stem from a crisis in liberal democratic constitutionalism as a motivating force and moral signpost in the public sphere. In the place of democratic constitutionalism, there has been a return to emotion-laden conceptualizations of the political community. Primordial bonds, unquestioned traditional values, and founding myths are perceived as more meaningful than the law and the constitution. This sort of return to the past has its historical validation, but it is also a reaction to the growing complexities of the contemporary world and its risks. Another important empirical context for abusive constitutionalism is the negative constitutional consensus of a passive electorate. One indicator of a negative constitutional consensus is the population’s lack of interest in the democratic functioning of the public sphere.
5
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Apolityczność czy sprawiedliwość proceduralna? Zaufanie do sądowego wymiaru sprawiedliwości na tle innych instytucji publicznych w Polsce

63%
Skąpska G., Bryda G.
Studia Socjologiczne
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2013
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issue 1(208)
77-94
EN
The courts are crucial for political power legitimization, conflict resolution as well as harmonization of law and legal cultures of the EU Member States. Important factor in all these processes presents the public trust in the judiciary and in the law application by courts. This problem is of particular importance in the former communist countries, including Poland. In the first part of this paper, in the context of several socio-legal studies, the various historical and institutional (historical experiences, social and economic reforms) and subjective (personal contacts with the system of justice) factors are debated. These factors influence the level of trust to courts and judiciary. In the next two parts, the paper analyzes the results of surveys on the opinions about courts and judiciary conducted in Poland after 1989, and the results of our in-depth survey commissioned by the Polish, National Judiciary Council, conducted in 2009. In the conlusion of the paper we are debating the trust in courts against the background of other public institutions, in the context of political independence of courts and the procedural justice implementation. Both of them – political independence courts and fulfillment of procedural justice principle – are factors crucial for modernization and liberal democratic consolidation in the contemporary Poland.
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