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1

Meenutused nukkudest ja nendega mangimisest 1940.–1950. aastate Eestis

100%
Tuisk A.
Mäetagused
|
2019
|
vol. 74
51-76
EN
This paper is based on the contributions submitted to the 2013 competition of folklore collection organised by the Estonian Folklore Archives of the Estonian Literary Museum, in which people born in the 1940s reminisced about the dolls of their childhood. The contributions to this competition were essentially childhood memories of a specific overarching topic, i.e., the topic of playing and games. In folklore studies, such single-topic descriptions are known as thematic narratives. Thematic narratives are written submissions to a competition or written responses to a survey. I call the thematic narratives collected within this particular competition play memories. The contributions highlight the dialogicity of memories: the personal perspective is intertwined with the perspective of the folklore collector; imagined readers are presented with childhood emotions and biographical information. To analyse the contributions, I thematised the data by looking for similar content elements across the texts and used these to form more general categories. One of the distinctive features of the material collected for the folklore archives in this way is precisely that it conveys personal experiences. The analysis revealed that even though childhood memories are affected by the conceptions of the adult rememberer who has written them down, they can nevertheless shed light on the child’s perspective in the form of vivid memories. Many of the recounted occurrences with dolls can be interpreted as vivid memories that convey some first-time or otherwise significant experiences and the related emotions. The contributions include descriptions of dolls and provide insight into their origins or makers. Much importance is placed on the experiences with one’s own doll or the absence thereof. During the lifetime of those born in the 1940s, the phenomenon of toy ownership began to change. Self-made rag dolls began to be supplemented by store-bought dolls. The toy industry started using plastics, and dolls became cheaper and more readily available. The memories submitted to the competition feature descriptions of receiving a doll, but also stories of yearning for one. The contributors occasionally associate poverty and lack of toys with injustice and wrongdoing. Then again, not all the girls loved to play with dolls or felt a need for them. The contributors also introduce the circumstances of their childhood and tell their imagined readers about their past, thus stepping into the role of a folklorist or a collaborator. In addition to relating personal experiences and personal past, the writers also aim to convey and promote their own “truth”, to further their own “agenda”. The contributions of play memories also discuss the scarcity of toys, often attributing a positive significance to it. The contributors depict themselves as vigorous go-getters who were able to overcome their rough circumstances by creating full-fledged play-worlds from whatever means available. Many find the topic of dolls and doll games important, for memories of one’s dolls constitute an essential part of one’s play memories.
2

Sojamoonaga mangimine Eestis Teise maailmasoja ajal ja parast seda: folkloristlik vaatenurk

100%
Tuisk A.
Mäetagused
|
2018
|
vol. 71
175-196
EN
Children who lived in the WWII and post-war period, under the occupation of Nazi Germany (1941–1944) and the Soviet Union (1944–1991), had their own assortment of games. Estonia suffered the fate of being on the battlefront twice – in 1941 and 1944. Among the traces of war that inspired children’s games were munitions scattered around the terrain. In 2013, the Estonian Folklore Archives of the Estonian Literary Museum organised a competition for collecting children’s games. In this paper, I examine the accounts about playing with munitions – mainly cartridges found on the terrain and real gunpowder – collected from people born in the period between the late 1920s and late 1940s. From a folkloristic perspective, I study the descriptions of games collected in the competition in two ways. First, I situate them in their historical-cultural context. The use of left-behind munitions for playing was characteristic of WWII as well as the post-war period and mostly typical of boys. The descriptions emphasise spectacular fireworks and loud cracking. The use of various means (e.g. glowing embers by children herding animals) for making loud sounds, but also real gunpowder in toy guns (sussik in Estonian) was also present in the earlier tradition. Although the respondents might not have perceived the risks associated with these activities back when they were children, their descriptions usually also include their adult point of view: these games were very dangerous. Some claim that they were not aware of the risks; others that they were able to assess them well; still others that they were simply foolhardy. The descriptions of games also reveal a certain perplexity – adult respondents are at a loss to explain why they did those things as children. Left-behind munitions could be obtained quite easily, while conventional toys or means for making them were severely lacking at the time. Thus, children played with whatever they could find and the use of munitions diversified the range of toys available to them. Secondly, I interpret the games with left-behind munitions as a type of game that tests the daring and foolhardiness of players. Dangerous games and risky-play games are discussed in several accounts of children’s games. Researchers suggest that playing dangerous games is driven by the will to make sense of risk-taking and responsibility. Child and developmental psychologists find that such games are characteristic of childhood and adolescence, and that playing them is necessary for normal development. Children’s risk-taking behaviour and testing the boundary between the possible and impossible is an integral part of coming of age and self-realisation during adolescence. Yet, development in the preschool age likewise implies testing one’s capabilities and experiencing the feeling of fear. Munitions were novel and fascinating, and enabled children to apply their inventiveness, sense their bravery, and experience excitement. On the other hand, due to frequent injuries and accidents, one could also find exactly the opposite attitudes toward munitions. Thus, for some people who grew up in that era, munitions are associated with games and new toys, but for others, they are associated with pains of loss and tragedy.
3

Koolielu kajastamine opilaste omaloodud meemilehtedel kolmes Tartu piirkonna koolis

63%
Kalda M., Tuisk A.
Mäetagused
|
2019
|
vol. 74
151-174
EN
Internet memes represent a new vernacular genre, items of which are created and also distributed digitally. Every day, ever new information keeps flowing through the feeds of social media sites. Internet memes, unlike traditional folklore, are not meant to be conveyed from generation to generation, and rarely would one expect a recurrence of a meme that has already been seen and passed forward. New memes are being created constantly, representing every conceivable aspect of physical as well as virtual reality. The external world is represented through a seemingly anything-goes game of combining shapes and forms. Already in the current stage of development of the genre, we can notice that memes correspond to their users’ subcultural and other group-related preferences. Age-group specific meme use is also discernible. This paper focuses on the meme repertoire of schoolchildren in the Tartu region, which is published on special Facebook or Instagram pages. The empirical work consisted in observing the meme sites and interviewing those generating the memes. School memes are presented as depiction of the life in a particular school and used for generating a feeling of belonging within that school. By memeing, schoolchildren apply a certain kind of cultural knowledge, a memetic code, which is not necessarily accessible to adults – indeed, they might not even have encountered it. William Corsaro characterises peer group culture with keywords such as autonomy, control, conflict, and differentiation; the challenge is to make fun of the authority of adults. In school memes, we are witnessing not only a peer group counterculture, but also an endeavour by the group to create a certain distinct world of its own. The novel and youthful memetic form suits well for this project.
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