Izrael należy do tych państw, których położenie ma „wartość polityczną”. Znaczenie przypisywane obszarowi, który zajmuje, związane jest przede wszystkim z genezą i historią narodu żydowskiego oraz jego religią, w depozyt której Erec Israel została wpisana na trwałe i na zasadzie centralnego miejsca. Swoją „wartość geopolityczną” obszar ten zmienił wraz z pojawieniem się ludności arabsko-muzułmańskiej. Jej osiedle nie się stanowiło zwrot kulturowy w historii regionu. W artykule dokonano: 1) próby określenia relacji zachodzących między judaizmem a przestrzenią życia jego wyznawców, 2) przedstawienia geograficzno-politycznych i religijnych uwarunkowań życia Żydów w diasporze w kontekście odbudowy ich siedziby narodowej, 3) analizy przyczyn, przebiegu i konsekwencji zmian usytuowania geopolitycznego Izraela w powiązaniu z przeobrażeniami jego struktury terytorialno-religijno-narodowej, 4) określenia wpływu tych przeobrażeń na zachowanie uczestników stosunków międzynarodowych.
EN
Israel belongs to the countries whose location has „ political value”. Though sma ll in term s of area and population, it is an important subject in the global political system. However, it does not owe this position to its activities in the international arena, measured by its participation in regional or local international structures. At the core of this situation is the geographical factor. Today it belongs to a group of factors de - termining the processes of international interactions (but not executing these processes), i.e. impacting them indirectly and creating reasons, not organis ing and initiating processes. Even though this factor is characterised by the relativity of its influence on international position and conduct of countries, stemming from the variability of its functions, it is also one of the most persistent factors. Wit h regard to Israel, it consists mainly of location (geopolitical location) and, paradoxically, given the aforementioned size of the country, its territory (borders) and the spatial, ethnic and religious diversity related to it. Due to its geographical loca tion between Europe, Africa and Central and Eastern Asia, the lands belonging to the modern Israel are well - placed to play a function of a natural bridge between cultures, nations, religions, languages. Despite this purpose, this area divides the Middle E astern countries instead of uniting them. Focusing the spatial and political behaviours of the countries in this region, it engages actors from outside the region into Middle - Eastern politics, including universal powers (able to act globally in all fields of international relations, e.g. the United States), sectoral powers (active in selected areas, e.g. Saudi Arabia) and regional powers (e.g. Egypt). The importance attributed to the said area, however, is associated primarily with the origins and history o f the Jewish nation (and state), as well as its religion, which gave this land to Israel for good and as a central location. The area, located at the intersection of important routes, elevated its „ geopolitical value” with the influx of Arab and Muslim pop ulation, whose settlement in the absence of exiled Jews was a real cultural turning point in the history of the region. The intersection of the most important religions, including Christianity, made this land a goal in expansion of European powers, determi ned to liberate it from the „ infidels” since the Middle Ages. This important stronghold was a place of interest for all regional powers, both in ancient and modern times. The well - established, over 1300 - year presence of Arabs in the region was shaken by th e immigration of Jews, well theoretically and politically grounded in Zionism, which lead to another fundamental change in the spatial, religious and ethnic structure of the area. A thickening network of Jewish settlements, the Holocaust, the compensation to surviving Jews, and finally the attempts by various powers to subjugate this politically „ unformed” territory resulted in the determination of part of the international community to normalise the issue of Jewish statehood. The success of establishing a national seat for Jews was accompanied by the defeat of the lack of the same decision for Palestinian Arabs. The division of Palestine, assuming the creation of the Jewish state, was rejected not only by its Arab inhabitants, but also by the neighbouring c ountries, becoming a hotbed of armed conflict between Jews and Arabs, which took on global repercussions. The failure to set the State of Palestine and unformed autonomy in the areas which are to be national seat for Palestinian Arabs result in the fact t hat the formation of Israel territory and its religious – national structure has not finished yet. The article has attempted to: 1) define the relations between Judaism and the life space of its believers, 2) present geopolitical and religious conditioning of life of Jews in diaspora in the context of the restoration of their national seat, 3) analyse the causes, the course and the consequences of changes in geopolitical placement of Israel in connection with the transformations of its territorial - religious - national structure, 4) define the impact of these transformations on the behaviour of the international relations participants.
W artykule, odwołującym się do zagadnień z zakresu geografii historycznej, politycznej i religii, podjęto próbę nakreślenia genezy i pierwotnego rozwoju przestrzennego protestantyzmu na ziemiach polskich. Analiza tych aspektów rozwoju religii protestanckiej, przy uwzględnieniu licznych dekompozycji, którym podlegała ona w ciągu wieków, posłużyła również do ustalenia stopnia wpływu pierwotnego rozprzestrzeniania się omawianego wyznania na jego współczesny zasięg przestrzenny w Polsce.
EN
At its outset, although Polish Protestantism gained big popularity, it did not manage to cover a broad social scope. It gained members mainly among the nobility and wealthy bourgeoisie. Cieszyn Silesia region was an exception – Lutheranism was adopted by many Polish peasants from this area. The Counter-Reformation and further persecutions of Protestants in post-partition Poland, and also in the People’s Republic of Poland, resulted in decrease in their ranks and decline of many of their existing clusters. The modern offspring of the initial Polish Protestant movement includes two of the most numerous factions – Lutheran and Calvinist, represented by Evangelical-Augsburg Church and Evangelical Reformed Church. As opposed to the initial influence of both these confessions, since the late 18th century the Lutherans have dominated in numbers over the members of Evangelical Reformed Church. It was caused mainly by the partitions of Poland, especially under Prussian occupation, where Lutheranism was supported by the local authorities. Many Protestants from Saxony, Silesia and Bohemia immigrated to Poland to settle in the developing, industrial cities of the Kingdom of Poland. The changes in numbers of followers of both confessions led to substantial shifts in their spatial influences.
W artykule podjęto próbę analizy niezwykle aktywnej, opartej przede wszystkim o powszechność ruchu artystycznego i rozwój narodowego szkolnictwa, działalności polskich Litwinów oraz wpływu, jaki posiadający wysoki stopień świadomości narodowej i aktywnie dążący do instytucjonalizacji swojej etniczności Litwini mają na relacje między Polską i Litwą.
EN
According to 2002 census Lithuanian minority in Poland is represented by 5639 Polish citizens, concentrated mostly in the Podlaskie province (5097), in the communes of Puńsk (74.4% of population), Szypliszki, Krasnopol and Sejny. Compared to other minorities, Lithuanian community in Poland is very well organized. Lithuanians are associated in 10 socio-cultural organizations, which cooperate rather than compete against each other, even if their scope of activity is more or less similar. The situation of Lituanian minority has a considerable and increasing importance in bilateral relations between their country of residence and their old homeland is quite significant. The impact of the Lithuanian minority on Polish-Lithuanian relations depends on a number of factors, which can be divided into two interdependent groups: 1) ‘internal’ factors, being results of the situation (activity) of the Lithuanian minority itself; 2) ‘external’ factors, being the function of principal variants of the three – sided relations: Lithuanian minority, Poland, Lithuania.
W artykule przedstawiono zarówno genezę i uwarunkowania rozwoju przestrzennego mniejszości karaimskiej na ziemiach polsko-litewskich, jak i podjęto próbę ustalenia elementów składowych poczucia odrębności grupowej Karaimów we współ- czesnej Polsce. Określono również formy, charakter i zasięg przestrzenny ich spo- łeczno-kulturalnej aktywności, podjętej zwłaszcza w wyniku przemian ustrojowych w kraju, po 1989 r., kiedy stworzone zostały nowe warunki do transmisji samoidentyfikacji narodowościowej i religijnej w kierunku różnorodnych inicjatyw środowiskowych.
EN
The Karaims in Poland are in many ways a unique social group. According to the established regulations, they are considered as an ethnic minority. They also fulfil all the requirements to have the legal status of a religious group – Karaim Religious Association. What is unique about the Karaims is the fact that they are the smallest among the traditional national and ethnic minorities in Poland. Moreover, the number of Karaims is lower than the number of members of most Churches and religious groups registered in Poland. The Karaims are not only a religious and ethnic minority, but they also remain a separate cultural community. It is due to the fact, that apart from formal (resulting from a legal background) and objective (resulting from, e.g. being raised in a Karaim family or practicing Karaism) criterion, the allegiance to the Karaim community also depends on the sense of identification with the Karaim cultural community. The belonging to such perceived community is subjective in its nature, based on the awareness of participation in a common heritage, sense of strong ties with other Karaims – it derives from the belief of being a Karaim, because of one’s awareness of being a Karaim. Even by accepting such a broad criterion of belonging to Karaim community, where both objective and subjective factors play a qualifying role, it is evident that this minority is getting smaller in size. Even the ‘transition period’, which took place after 1989, when the cultural code of many social groups was reformulated, did not influence any significant changes of this community, although it clearly gave a new impulse for the environmental activity of the Karaims. As a result of the political transformation, the number and the scope of social-cultural events organized by Polish and Lithuanian Karaims increased visibly.
Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne, mimo niewielkiego udziału w strukturze ludności współczesnej Polski, przyczyniły się do powstania wyjątkowego pod względem narodowo-konfesyjnym dziedzictwa polskiej przestrzeni. Stosując podejście geograficzno- -polityczne dokonano próby uchwycenia, zrozumienia i wyjaśnienia procesu przemian narodowościowo-etnicznych ludności Polski, prowadzącego do ukształtowania się jej współczesnego oblicza.
EN
The preponderance of people of Polish nationality who are followers of the Roman Catholic Church does not make Poland a state of one nation and denomination. In addition to the national and religious majority, Poland also includes national, ethnic and Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne w Polsce z perspektywy geografii politycznej religious minorities. Their presence is stressed not only because in democratic countries such as Poland the protection of these groups is very important. In the case of Poland, it is crucial that throughout its history it has been a multicultural country with representatives of various national and religious groups living together. Minorities occurring in contemporary Poland, despite their numerically small share in the overall population, are a testament to the unique national and religious heritage of Polish land. The general aim of this article is to present the communities that kept their national and ethnic identity in this special cultural context, differing from the majority of Poles in their national (partially coincident with denominational) affiliation. This general objective will be achieved through several detailed objectives including: a retrospective analysis of the recognition of ethnic issues (including minorities) by the political geography, the identification, determining the number and location, as well as an analysis of legal positions of national and ethnic minorities in contemporary Poland.
The main objective of this paper is to present the national and religious heritage of the Eastern Borderlands in contemporary Poland. The paper deals with the genesis and selected aspects of the spatial development of the ethnic and religious minorities (mainly Tartars-Muslims, Karaites and Armenians) that date back to the eastern areas of the former Republic (including the territories of Belarus, Lithuania and Ukraine) but, due to the post-war border changes and migrations, formed clusters in contemporary Poland and organized various forms of group life.
W artykule dokonano analizy organizowania w przestrzeni Łodzi żydowskich modlitewni. Próbę tę podjęto w kontekście rozmieszczenia przestrzennego ludności żydowskiej, warunkowanego istnieniem specjalnego rewiru (1827–1862), poza którego granicami ludność ta nie miała na ogół prawa się osiedlać. W odniesieniu do współ- czesności określono również funkcje obiektów będących dawnymi domami modlitwy lub miejsc po nich, w przypadku gdy obiekty te nie zachowały się w krajobrazie kulturowym miasta.
EN
Jews for the purpose of prayer and religious congregations not only erected a synagogue, but also "private" prayer houses. They weren’t, comparing to the previous one, as impressive in architectonic shape. They were smaller in size, had poorer interior and were usually arranged in private houses and tenement houses, occasionally in factorial buildings (e.g. in Łódź). In Łódź over 250 small Jewish prayer houses were erected. Directed by first of all religious nature motivations, Jewish people erected these buildings also for certain social purposes. They were supposed to be the place of integration of different environments: neighbourhood, professional. The prayer houses played a big role especially in the religious life of the Hasidim, the followers of specific Zadiks. The continuous increase of the number of cult buildings was also the result of enormous inner differentiation of local Jewish community, among the others the marking disproportions in material status of their representatives, political differences (increasing influence of Zionism) and most of all the increasing differences, or even religious conflicts (first between Hasidism and traditional rabbinic trend, and latter of both mentioned before with reformed Judaism).
As some has attempted to prove, both “titular” disciplines have different origins. They differ in their development trends and, thus, in the contents, scope and place in the system of sciences. However, different paths of development do not preclude them from tackling the same issues, especially considering that historical geography and political geography both refer, the former in a literal sense, to the unique bond between history and geography. Specific topics, that may seem familiar to both disciplines today, were discussed as far back as the 18th century, when political geography was still defining its identity and attempting to become a valid subject of geography. However, in the case of this discipline, its interests shared with its historical counterpart (concerning such issues as heraldry and toponymy) were mostly incidental and marginal. On the other hand, the issue of territorial divisions (nations, regions, borders), described by historians (or historical geographers) as “historical and political landscapes”, was discussed by both geographies since the very beginning. The main difference between the two – geo- -political and geo-historical – approaches was the temporal perspective they assumed. While the present was most important for political geography, historical geography was more concerned with “former territorial divisions” (thus the term “historical and political landscapes” is apt). Each of the disciplines also treated the research subject differently. Political geography considered “the area described by borders and characterised by some organisation, i.e. above all a state” or region as central, while historical geography acknowledged its importance as one of many elements, apart from the transformed (cultural) environment, settlement, elementary disasters, formed communication network, the history of geographical horizons, toponymy and historical cartography, while referring it, as mentioned earlier, the reconstructed image of the past. With the development of the methodological foundations of both sciences, the belief that “what is today includes what was yesterday, so in order to understand the presence, we have to study the past” grew. This reflection was aided by the deepening relations between historical geography and anthropogeography, which influenced not only the expansion of tasks of the former, but also lead to the inclusion of the “historical element” in the scope of geo-political discussion. Reaching into the past to reveal spatial differences and similarities of a political nature, more and more boldly practised by political geography, was also caused by the references to human history (human “fate”) construed in the spirit of mechanistic determinism, as well as the changes in the political map of the world at the break of 19th and 20th centuries. As their eyewitness, political geography could not close itself in a narrow, quickly dating formula of the present. The explanation of interrelations between political entities and their physical-geographical surrounding attempted at the time required constant references to the historical context. The contemporary political map was quickly becoming, if we can paraphrase Barbag, a strictly historical map. The practice of reaching into the past to interpret contemporary phenomena and political systems caused the historical context to become an immanent element of political geography. The discipline was becoming more and more bold in interpreting the political map and the territorial characteristics of political formation and development of states and regions, not only in the presence, but also in the future. This research field saw the formation – in reference to the bond between history and geography – of a unique relationship between historical geography and political geography. Significantly, by exposing the past, political geography sometimes lost view of the presence, i.e. the element that defined its existence and distinguished it from historical geography. Thus, we can say that M. Kulesza (2009) was right when he observed, as mentioned above, that the development of political geography after World War II and, especially in the 1990s, resulted in the “internal” expansion and the emergence of new research fields, which was caused by, among other things, taking some of them from historical geography.
PL
W artykule dokonano uzasadnienia tytułowego powiązania geografii politycznej i historycznej. W tym celu przeprowadzono analizę relacji między obiema dyscyplinami, podejmującą kwestie ich genezy, kierunków rozwojowych, treści, zakresu i miejsca w systemie nauk, a także ustanowienia ram organizacyjnych dla rozwoju tych dyscyplin w łódzkim ośrodku geograficznym.
National minorities, i.e. Jewish and German, constituting distinct (almost completely – as the followers of Judaism, or largely – as Evangelical Christians) religious groups, had considerable influence not only on the development of Pabianice's economic life, but also on the shaping of the social and cultural space of the city. Initiatives taken by their representatives were directed, on the one hand (and predominantly), to their own national or religious communities, which was mostly characteristic for the Jewish and, to a lesser extent, German minorities and, on the other, to a wider group of residents, which mostly applied to the Evangelicals. The dominant contribution to the development of socio-cultural sphere of the city, especially philanthropy, was made by religious communities. Providing assistance to the poor and needy was regarded a religious duty. The positive public perception was also meant to increase the number of followers in the Evangelical Church. The creators of the social and cultural life of the city also included entrepreneurs belonging to those communities. They contributed to the formation of numerous social (charity organisations, sports clubs) and cultural (musical societies) initiatives not only due to their accumulated wealth, but also due to the need to help others, take on different challenges and keep up the positively perceived image of a benefactor. They included almost all residents of the city interested in such forms of activity or support. The socio-cultural activities of minority communities have left their mark on the city, giving it a form of organisation. It became apparent primarily in the development of different parts of the space by each of the most active communities (Germans and Jews). The German minority, responsible for the creation and development of Pabianice industry, located their social and cultural institutions in the so-called New Town. This part of Pabianice was inhabited and developed “industrial” immigrants, many of whom were of German origin. As a minority not participating in the development of local industry to such an extent, Jews were socially and culturally active in the part of Pabianice known as New Town, especially in the initial phase. It was an area of concentration of both the first Jewish settlers and the later ones, that came during the economic prosperity.
PL
Mniejszości narodowe (głównie żydowska i niemiecka), tożsame na ogół z mniejszościowymi wspólnotami religijnymi, wniosły wymierny wkład w rozwój zarówno gospodarczy, jak i spo- łeczno-kulturalny Pabianic. Głównym celem artykułu jest określenie charakteru i form organizowania w przestrzeni miejskiej aktywności społeczno-kulturalnej przez wymienione grupy.
W artykule podjęta została problematyka dotycząca powstania, rozwoju i likwidacji po drugiej wojnie światowej żydowskiego ruchu spółdzielczego. Artykuł przybliża więc uwarunkowania społeczno-polityczne, które zadecydowały o potrzebie powołania do życia odrębnego ruchu spółdzielczego dla ludności żydowskiej, a także przedstawia jego drogę rozwojową, głównie poprzez ukazanie struktury branżowej, wchodzących w jego skład placówek spółdzielczych oraz prezentację zestawień statystycznych obrazujących liczbę spółdzielni i zatrudnionych w nich pracowników. Opracowanie zawiera także ocenę roli, jaką odegrały odrębne struktury spółdzielcze w powojennym życiu ludności żydowskiej - zarówno w jego sferze materialnej, jak i społecznej i psychologicznej, oraz w rozwoju ruchu spółdzielczego w kraju, w tym głównie na obszarze tzw. ziem odzyskanych.
EN
As a result of involvement of some governmental bodies as well as Jewish representative organs Jewish community got engaged in a new program of economic policy. The particular element of that policy was so called ‘productivisation’ which aimed at changing the old (pre-war) professional structure of the Jewish community. It consisted in the increase in number of Jewish labour in industry, the establishment of a separate co-operative sector as well as creating opportunities for Jewish farming in Lower Silesia and the Szczecin region. The Jews gained admittance to work in government oiFices. Of particular interest was the establishment of the co-operative movement which stimulated the activeness of a great number of the Jews. In 1945-1949 the Jews organised 232 co-operatives. Particularly active in this field were Jewish inhabitants of Lower Silesia who created nearly a half of all Jewish co-operatives employing above 50% of workers of the Jewish co-operative movement. The Jewish co-operative movoment contributed to an improvement in material condition of Jews and facilitated their adaptation to a normal life. The Jewish co-operatives had an important psychological impact. They made the war victims unite for a common effort. It significantly integrated the community of Polish Jews. The Jewish co-operatives were also an important element of economic activity and a factor stimulating the economy of the country mainly in the so-called Regained Territories.
Wszystko, co istnieje, ma granice. Powodują one, że coś jest właśnie tym, a nie czymś innym. Na zasadzie odniesienia „do” (odróżnienia „od”) granice pozwalają budować jednostkową i grupową tożsamość. Myśleć kategoriami: „my – oni”. Powstaje w ten sposób ważna świadomość tego, kim się jest. Budowana na zasadzie negacji ulega jednak wypaczeniu – zamienia się w poczucie wyższości czy też wrogości wobec innego. Świadomość kształtuje się tym łatwiej, gdy towarzyszą jej zinstytucjonalizowane formy, w tym te o charakterze państwowym, uzupełniające ją i wzmacniające, stanowiące jej prawne, administracyjne i gospodarcze ramy. Bogactwo różnorodności (narodowej, religijnej, językowej) – zarówno podtrzymywanej radykalnymi odrębnościami, jak i rozmywanej ich częściowym znoszeniem – jest dla badacza naukowym skarbem. Studia nad granicami podejmują systematycznie, choć z właściwej sobie perspektywy badawczej, tytułowe dyscypliny: geografia historyczna i geografia polityczna. Z problematyki granic i – nabierających od nich swojej osobliwości – pograniczy, ta druga uczyniła nawet podstawowe pole badawcze. Mimo zawieszenia w ostatnich latach niektórych funkcji granic państwowych, wydaje się być ono niewyczerpanym źródłem tematów, czego egzemplifikacją jest wachlarz problemów podjętych w niniejszym tomie. Z perspektywy geografii politycznej i historycznej niektóre z nich nie były dotąd podejmowane, stąd w niektórych aspektach tom wychodzi poza nomen omen granice i kanon dotychczasowych badań.
Minority Churches in Poland can be divided into 7 main groups: Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Protestantism, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, and Buddhism. Beside Churches stemming from main religious families, there are some congregations belonging to other traditions or combine elements derived from various backgrounds which are labelled here as ‘other denominations’ unrelated with any of main religions. In addition to this, some religions for which no reliable data was available, has been classified in this paper as new or unidentified denominations. Polish legislation uses the term ‘Churches and other religious organisations’ to denote religious groups established to cultivate and propagate a confession, have their own status, doctrine and rituals. In Poland 158 Churches and religious organisations have legal status (as of October 10, 2003) and their relations with the state are defined by appropriate regulations, such as: international agreements, legislation on the relationship between the state and particular Churches or religious organisation, act on Guarantees of Freedom of Conscience and Freedom of Religious Persuasion.
PL
Dzięki wynikom Narodowego Spisu Powszechnego z 2002 r., odnoszącym się do zróżnicowania narodowościowego i etnicznego mieszkańców Polski, do szerszej opinii publicznej dotarły kolejne, kompleksowo opracowane zagadnienia dotyczące struktury ludnościowej kraju, które do wprowadzenia zmian polityczno-ustrojowych w Polsce w 1989 r. były na ogół pomijane, niekiedy fałszowane, względnie zniekształcane w przekazach informacyjnych i opracowaniach naukowych. Wyniki wspomnianego spisu nie przynoszą jednak informacji na temat innych, słabo dotąd rozpoznanych, aspektów życia społecznego w Polsce, w tym wiążących się ze zróżnicowaniem religijnym jej mieszkańców. Celem artykułu jes t przybliżenie struktury wyznaniowej Polski, głównie w zakresie, funkcjonujących na obrzeżach obiegu informacji, mniejszości religijnych. Problematyka ta zostanie przedstawiona w ramach następujących kompleksów zagadnień: liczebności, taksonomii i położenia prawnego mniejszości religijnych. W Polsce dopuszcza się dziś możliwość deklaracji nt. wyznawanej religii w formie wolnej woli zainteresowanych osób, prowadzącej do powstania „specyficznej osoby prawnej — Kościoła lub związku wyznaniowego. Mówiąc zatem o mniejszościach religijnych, autor będzie posługiwał się przede wszystkim odpowiadającymi im pojęciami Kościołów i związków wyznaniowych.
Orthodox Church members form a socio-religious group seperated from Russian Orthodox Church in the latter half of the 17th century in result of reforms initiated by Moscow patriarch Nikon. Persecuted by the official Orthodox Church they searched for places appropriate for practising their faith in the uninhabited regions of Russia and beyond its borders on the territory of Poland, Sweden, Turkey, Austria and Prussia. Divided into various religious groups (e.g. followers and opponents of the pope) as a result of diversified interpretation of many religious issues, the Orthodox Church members settled down in three regions of present day Poland: Mazury, Augustów, Suwałki and Sejny. Strict religious dictates and injunctions made the number of “old faith” believers diminish with time. In 1994 their population in Poland amounted to 2137: 67 people in the historic region of Mazury, 850 - in the Suwałki-Sejny region (722- in Suwałki itself), 1220 - in Augustów region (910 - in Augustów itself and 130 - in Gabowe Grądy). Having legalised their Church in the 1980s this small religious group has been carrying out activities which aim at the development of their community. It is reflected by older members’ adherence to their faith and transmitting it together with other traditions onto younger generations. The fact that Orthodox Church members have one religion is not equivalent with their belonging to the same nation (they consider themselves Polish, Russian or German nationals). Most Orthodox Church members do not know Old Church Slavic (even the liturgy) and at home depending on the region, they use Polish, Russian or German. Now that interest in different ethnic groups has been revived, this small group with long historical tradition merits to be brought closer to other inhabitants of the country whose history they contributed to make.
PL
Staroobrzędowcy to grupa społeczno-religijna, wyodrębniona w drugiej połowie XVII w. z łona rosyjskiego Kościoła prawosławnego. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie genezy oraz współczesnej sytuacji staroobrzędowców w Polsce. Przedstawiono rozwój ich świadomości narodowej, struktury religijnej, stopnia tożsamości etnicznej i kulturowej, konfliktów.
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