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Młodzież Polska ostatniej dekady w misji duszpasterskiej Kościoła.

100%
Kubiak P.
Studia Gdańskie
|
2019
|
issue 45
115-128
PL
Duszpasterstwo młodzieży należy do istotnych zadań współczesnego Kościoła. Młody człowiek, żyjący w obecnym wieku w sposób szczególny narażony jest na negatywny wpływ środowiska. W obliczu nie zawsze moralnych propozycji, które oferuje młodzieży dzisiejszy świat, Kościół nie może pozostawać obojętny. Jest on zobowiązany do tego, aby w swojej posłudze pastoralnej przeciwdziałać wszelkim negatywnym zjawiskom. Z tego względu proponuje liczne alternatywy, które angażując młodzież przyczyniają się do jej wzrostu duchowego i moralnego. Wobec wielu oczekiwań i pytań ze strony młodzieży, Kościół musi nieustannie podejmować zadanie odnowy działalności duszpasterskiej, która jest narzędziem prowadzenia dialogu z młodym człowiekiem.
EN
Pastoral service is one of the significant tasks of the contemporary Church. Young people living in the current century are extremely exposed to the adverse impact of the social environment. In the face of the immoral proposals which today's world offers to young people, the Church cannot remain indifferent. The Church is obliged to reject all negative phenomena as part of its pastoral service. In view of the many expectations of young people and the questions they pose, the Church must constantly take up the task of renewal of pastoral practice, which is a tool in conducting the dialogue with youth.
2

Gustav Stresemann i DVP wobec idei wielkiej koalicji (1920–1929)

100%
Kubiak P.
Historia Slavorum Occidentis
|
2016
|
issue 1(10)
188-216
EN
The article presents the background of the arguments within the German People’s Party (DVP) concerning the idea of great coalition in the years 1920–1929. At the time, the concept of great coalition referred to the idea of a broad alliance of political forces ranging from social democrats on the left to national liberals from DVP. The chairman of DVP, Gustav Stresemann, was a proponent of such an alliance. Twice, i.e., in 1923 and 1928, he pushed towards the formation of a great coalition comprising SPD, DDP, Centre Party (and BVP in the period 1928–1930), while facing opposition from the right wing of his party. The crux of the discontent on the part of the right-wing faction was the cooperation with social democrats. In 1923, the right wing of DVP caused a downfall of the great coalition and resulted in the fracturing of the party. In March 1930, only a few months after Stresemann’s death (2 October 1929), the coalition of his making disintegrated. This proved to be the last parliamentary government of the Weimar Republic.
3
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THE ATTITUDE OF GUSTAV STRESEMANN AND DVP TO THE KAPP PUTSCH (13-17 MARCH 1920) (Gustav Stresemann i DVP wobec puczu Kappa (13-17 marca 1920 roku))

100%
Kubiak P.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2010
|
issue 4(337)
237-250
EN
The article presents the attitude of Gustav Stresemann and his party (DVP) to the putsch by the extreme right. On the first day of the putsch, DVP welcomed the new government of Wolfgang Kapp (declaration of March 13), a decision that turned out to be a political mistake. When the balance tipped in favor of forces loyal to the republic, DVP found itself in isolation. G. Stresemann tried to mediate between the two governments and even managed to induce the putsch leaders, W. Kapp and gen. Walther von Lüttwitz, to abdicate. This however did not protect him from later accusations of collaboration with the putschists. The events of March 1920 were a lesson for DVP and especially for G. Stresemann, who realized that the future of the party lies in declaring firm support for the republic.
4
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Wybory do Bundestagu XX kadencji i nowy układ sił na niemieckiej scenie politycznej

100%
Kubiak P.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2022
|
issue 3 (384)
47-88
EN
The aim of the study is to characterize the course of the election campaign, a detailed analysis of the election results and an attempt to reflect on the consequences of the outcome of the elections that took place in Germany on September 26, 2021. The author analyzes the election results with particular emphasis on the ongoing changes in the German party system. This election was unique for several reasons: 1) the chancellor in office was, for the first time, not seeking re-election so it was obvious that someone else would head the new government; 2) three parties (CDU/CSU, SPD and the Greens) nominated their candidates for chancellor; 3) the elections were highly personalized: errors and slip-ups of the leaders significantly impacted the ratings of their parties; 4) the election campaign was exceptionally dynamic (the party leading the polls changed three times), and its course was strongly influenced by unexpected events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the tragic flood in western Germany; 5) in their programs, most parties set themselves far- reaching goals related to the modernization of the German economy and the adaptation of Germany to the challenges of the climate crisis. The study confirmed the thesis that the results of the elections to the Bundestag of the 20th electoral term validated most of the tendencies within the German party system that could be observed in the 21st century. Thus, the German party system will continue to be based on the six relevant parties represented in the Bundestag (SPD, CDU/CSU, Greens, FDP, AfD and Die Linke). However, the position of extreme parties (AfD, Die Linke) weakened, resulting in a greater number of possible coalition solutions. After the elections, a progressive coalition was formed, nicknamed a “traffic lights coalition”, made up of the SPD, the Greens and the FDP with Olaf Scholz as the new chancellor.
5
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Wybory do Bundestagu z 24 września 2017 roku i ich następstwa

100%
Kubiak P.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2018
|
issue 2(367)
7-37
EN
The author analyzes the results of the election for the Bundestag with special emphasis on the ongoing changes in the German party system. The elections of September 24, 2017 brought about significant changes on the German political scene: a strong representation of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) made its debut in the Bundestag, six factions have formed in the parliament, the position of the great Volksparteien (CDU/CSU and SPD) has weakened, while the middle-sized parties (AfD, FDP, Die Linke and The Greens) have gained in strength. This is an effect of the growing fragmentation and polarization of the German party system. Such an election outcome caused problems with forming a stable federal government. In the author’s opinion, the results of the last election for the Bundestag were heavily influenced by the migration crisis, which deepened and accelerated the processes underway in the German party system and contributed to a good result of the anti-immigrant AfD.
6
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Kwestie bezpieczeństwa i obrony w programach wyborczych niemieckich partii politycznych w 2019 roku

100%
Kubiak P.
Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka
|
2019
|
issue 1
211-226
EN
The author analyzed the electoral programs of the largest German parties published before the European Parliament election (26 May 2019) in terms of defense and security policy. The parties’ programs were included, which in the last federal election (2017) gained over 5% of votes, thus: CDU / CSU, Alliance 90 / The Greens, SPD, AfD, Die Linke and FDP. In his analysis, the author focused on the approach of German parties to such issues as: Common Security and Defence Policy (including, inter alia, taken in 2017 permanent structured cooperation – PESCO), development of European defense structures, attitude to NATO, cooperation of defense industries, arms exports and relations with Russia. The analysis of the programs has shown that the postulates of the CDU / CSU, SPD, The Greens’ and FDP are in many respects consistent with the most important German strategic documents (White Paper 2016, coalition agreement of 2018). AfD rejects the development of European defense structures, and instead proposes to develop a national army (Bundeswehra) and strengthen Germany’s involvement in NATO. In Die Linke’s program dominates pacifism.
PL
Autor przeanalizował pod kątem obronności i polityki bezpieczeństwa programy wyborcze największych niemieckich partii, opublikowane przed wyborami do Parlamentu Europejskiego (26.05.2019). Uwzględnione zostały programy partii, które w ostatnich wyborach do Bundestagu (2017 r.) uzyskały ponad 5% głosów, a więc: CDU/CSU, Sojuszu 90/Zielonych, SPD, AfD, Die Linke i FDP. W swojej analizie autor skupił się na podejściu niemieckich partii do takich zagadnień jak: wspólna polityka bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE (uwzględniono m.in. podjętą w 2017 r. Stałą Współpracę Strukturalną – PESCO), rozwijanie europejskich struktur obronnych, stosunek do NATO, współpraca przemysłów obronnych, eksport broni i relacje z Rosją. Analiza programów wykazała, że postulaty CDU/CSU, SPD, Zielonych i FDP są w wielu punktach zgodne z najważniejszymi niemieckimi dokumentami strategicznymi (Biała Księga 2016, umowa koalicyjna z 2018 r.). AfD odrzuca rozwijanie europejskich struktur obronnych, a w zamian proponuje rozwijanie komponentu narodowego (Bundeswehra) i wzmocnienie zaangażowania Niemiec w NATO. Z kolei w programie Die Linke dominują tendencje pacyfistyczne.
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