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EN
The author addresses the social participation issue in the context of its significance to public policy in Poland. He examines the barriers limiting the expansion of participation. He notices them in the way a democracy functions (“failed democracy” according to Democracy Index), as well as in the way the dialogue has been organised (for example, two separate currents have been established – i.e. the social one and the civic one, which is quite unusual by Western European standards). He regards the politicians’ perception of what a democracy is as a next barrier. As a result of that one can see lower standards of public sphere in place, antiquated public governance still in place, the underdevelopment of the legal framework for social dialogue and the low quality of policy-making. The author also describes the most important social phenomena relating to the functioning of the social and civic dialogue mechanisms. He analyses the sources of the current condition of the dialogue in terms of historical, structural as well as political factors.
PL
Autor analizuje problematykę partycypacji społecznej w Polsce w kontekście jej znaczenia dla polityki publicznej. Omawia bariery, które ograniczają rozwój partycypacji. Dostrzega je w sposobie funkcjonowania systemu demokracji („wadliwa demokracja” wg rankingu Democracy Index) oraz po stronie dialogu (m.in. wyodrębnienie nurtów dialogu społecznego i obywatelskiego, co jest nietypowe, jak na zachodnioeuropejskie standardy). Za barierę uznaje również sposób postrzegania przez klasę polityczną tego, czym jest demokracja. Wywołuje on bowiem wiele konsekwencji, m.in. prowadzi do obniżania standardów funkcjonowania sfery publicznej, powielania przestarzałego modelu zarządzania państwem, niedorozwoju ram prawnych dialogu obywatelskiego czy do niskiej jakości polityki publicznej. Autor opisuje również najważniejsze zjawiska obrazujące sposoby funkcjonowania dialogu społecznego i obywatelskiego. Analizuje źródła ich obecnej kondycji, zarówno historyczne, jak strukturalne i polityczne.
EN
Interest groups are one of the main types of representation which mediate between public opinion and decision-making processes in the EU. The crisis of global capitalism and the crisis of liberal democracy as well as the accumulation of crises in the EU have shaped system of representing interests in a new way. The article features the latest changes in this system including the intermediary institutions activity conditions in the Member States and in the EU. Since the 2008 crisis, populist and authoritarian politicians, both “right-wing” and “left-wing,” have questioned the current system. In this context key aspects of the weakness of representation of interests in Central and Eastern Europe are presented. They result from the overlap of the global crises into the specific problems of the post-communist “dependent market economies.” In conclusion, some theoretical limitations of research on the representation of interests in the EU and the possibility of overcoming them are being discussed.
EN
The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the “efficiency” and “justice”) have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is  characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors – the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and the institutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups and backstage actors of politics.
PL
Autor analizuje czynniki, które osłabiają oddziaływanie zasad merytokracji na instytucje i politykę państwa. Wskazuje, że merytokratyczne podejście do rządzenia, w tym programowania działań publicznych, jedynie w ograniczonym zakresie stało się zasobem służącym do uzyskiwania prawomocności władzy w Polsce. Atuty merytokracji (jak „wydajność” i „sprawiedliwość”) nie zostały w tym celu uruchomione w znaczącej skali. W konsekwencji doszło do znaczącego delegitymizowania prawomocności ustroju demokratycznego, a także osłabienia identyfikacji  społeczeństwa z państwem. Miarą tego zjawiska jest m.in. niski prestiż polityków i duża absencja wyborcza. Autor zwraca uwagę na to, że mechanizmy zarządzania merytokratycznego w instytucjach publicznych w Polsce są znacząco zredukowane z uwagi na oddziaływanie wielu czynników – zawłaszczanie państwa przez partie polityczne, instytucjonalny nomadyzm elit, reguły kapitalizmu politycznego, miękkie państwo i instytucjonalizację nieodpowiedzialności lub działań rozmaitych grup interesu i zakulisowych podmiotów polityki.
PL
Artykuł charakteryzuje systemowe przemiany polskiej gospodarki w perspektywie instytucjonalnej różnorodności kapitalizmu (Varieties of Capitalism). Przedstawia syntetycznie jej główne założenia, najczęściej dyskutowane typologie rodzajów kapitalizmu oraz ich zastosowania do europejskich państw pokomunistycznych. W takim kontekście teoretycznym gospodarka Polski jest rozpatrywana z uwzględnieniem rozmaitych kryteriów i typologii kapitalizmu (liberalnego, koordynacyjnego, zależnego, hybrydowego itd.). Wyszczególnione są również atuty poznawcze oraz ograniczenia takiej perspektywy analizy kształtującego się modelu gospodarczego Polski i innych państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej.
EN
As the title suggests, this article characterizes the systemic transformation of the Polish economy from the perspective of the institutional diversity of capitalism (i.e., Varieties of Capitalism). It synthetically presents the main objectives of the transformation, the most commonly discussed typologies of capitalism, and their application in Poland and the European post-communist countries. In this theoretical context the Polish economy is examined using a variety of criteria and typologies of capitalism (liberal, coordination, dependent, hybrid etc.). The article also lists the cognitive strengths and limitations of such a perspective analysis of the emerging economic model in Poland and other countries of Central and Eastern Europe
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EN
This article is about the discussion which has been going on in Western Europe concerning interpretation of the Europeanization concept and the resulting theoretical instruments for the analysis of the effects of European integration on the political transformation in Poland after the fall of communism. It presents selected mechanisms and channels of Europeanization of EU member states with reference to the “new democracies” and the anticipative modernization of Central-Eastern Europe. This perspective is used to discuss the specific nature of Europeanization of the post-communist countries and the posttransformation crisis of democracy in some countries in the region following accession to the European Union in 2004. This crisis, according to the author, was also caused to a certain extent by the contingencies and conditions of EU accession. In Poland these contingencies and conditions triggered fears of perpetuation of the country’s peripheral position vis-à-vis the “old” European countries. These fears are related to various interpretations of modernization, dependency theory, the world system theory and globalization.
EN
The article deals with the issue of the impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic on political changes in the EU from a neo-institutional perspective. The pandemic has created qualitatively new challenges for the European Union after a “decade of crises.” Due to the dramatic and destructive nature of COVID-19, it is becoming a catalyst for unprecedented systemic changes in the Member States and EU institutions. The impact of the coronavirus on conflicts and divisions in the EU is analysed using the category of Europeanization in selected key dimensions: political unification within the EU, institutional changes at the EU level, the impact of the EU institutions on the Member States, the territorial scope of the EU and the spread of EU institutions beyond Europe. Selected consequences of the pandemic affecting the future of European integration are discussed in terms of different variants of disintegration or reintegration of the EU and the role and place of Central and Eastern European countries in these changes.
EN
The paper presents historical development, definition and increasing role of the hypermarkets in contemporary global economy. They are the biggest players not only in economy but also in the culture (consumer choice, patterns of consumption, styles of life etc.) and politics (increasing impact on rules in international trade policy and government policy). The author analysed specificity of Polish trade market and expansion of foreign hypermarkets in Poland. Different, both positive and negative aspects their activity, are described in Polish and British comparative perspectives, especially in the light of consumer relations, local communities, suppliers of hypermarkets (small firms, farmers), the environment, employees and workers relations and political impact of big trade companies.
EN
The author analyses the selected aspects of capitalism in the countries of Central Europe. The author presents the various theoretical concepts that refer to the issue in question involving the concept coined by L. King and I. Szelenyi, which holds that the systemic changes in the countries of this region are specifically characterised by the perspective of 'from without' capitalism. They believe that the specificity of the capitalist system lies in the fact that in the key times of the post-communist changes of the political system, the issue of the absence of an important class of private owners was not addressed. In the West private proprietors were the ones that constituted the main driving force of an open-market economy. The article presents the advantages and drawbacks of an economic model formed by the dominant share of foreign capital, with an emphasis placed on the consequences of the issue in question on the limitations of the subjectivity of economic policy of a state as well as the development chances of local businesses. It manifests the fears that the model created in Poland (and in other countries of the region) after the year 1989 sets the role model for local enterprises of corporate subcontractors of mainly traditional or niche products and services.
PL
Autor analizuje wybrane cechy kapitalizmu w państwach Europy Środkowej. Opisuje różne koncepcje teoretyczne tego zagadnienia, w tym podejście sformułowane przez L. Kinga i I. Szelenyi'ego, które zakłada, że zmiany systemowe w państwach tego regionu szczególnie adekwatnie charakteryzuje perspektywa kapitalizmu "z zewnątrz" (from without). Ukazuje ona jego specyfikę w tym, że w kluczowym okresie pokomunistycznych zmian ustrojowych występowało zjawisko absencji znaczących klas prywatnych właścicieli, którzy na Zachodzie byli głównymi promotorami gospodarki rynkowej. Artykuł wskazuje zalety i wady modelu gospodarczego uformowanego przez dominujący udział kapitału zagranicznego, zwłaszcza będące konsekwencją tego zjawiska ograniczenia podmiotowości polityki gospodarczej państwa oraz szans rozwojowych rodzimego biznesu. Charakteryzuje obawy, że model ten ukształtowany w Polsce (i innych państwach regionu) po 1989 r. wyznacza krajowym przedsiębiorstwom role korporacyjnych poddostawców, głównie tradycyjnych lub niszowych produktów oraz usług.
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