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EN
This article discusses the activities of Konstanty Gebert – an editor and publicist of the underground press in the years 1982–1989. In the 1970s, he cooperated with the Workers’ Defence Committee and continued his activity during the ‘Solidarity’ period. Shortly after the introduction of martial law, Gebert became a member of the editorial team of ‘KOS’ – one of the most important underground periodicals. He soon became one of the key figures in that community. He performed editing and typesetting, but was really in his element when writing articles for the press. He wrote articles for ‘KOS’ and other underground periodicals. With time, his pseudonym ‘Dawid Warszawski’ became a well-known brand in the underground press. Gebert was initially in favour of creating an Underground State, similar to the one existing during the Second World War. However, his views on the organization of the underground movement gradually evolved. In 1983, he suggested establishing an ‘independent socjety.’ Even though he was connected with the moderate stream of the ‘Solidarity’ Movement, he was far from being conciliatory. His views changed partly as a result of the policy of the authorities after 1986, when most prisoners were released. He came to the conclusion that the situation was stalemate. He thought that a compromise was possible – due to the economic crisis and changes in the USSR – but not at any price. He was passionately interested in international politics. In underground publications, such issues were only mentioned in connection with the ‘Eastern bloc’ and the USA. ‘Dawid Warszawski,’ however, was also interested in the Middle East and China. He was sometimes fairly critical about the USA and its non-democratic allies. Observing the life of Konstanty Gebert, one may notice certain dilemmas. In his opposition activities, he was always looking for a balance between the aim of making the underground press as attractive as possible for the reader, and that of subordinating it to the objectives of the social opposition movement. Gebert’s biography also shows how important the experience of co-creating the underground press was in the development of the journalistic elites of the Third Republic of Poland.
EN
How a realist oppositionist could keep being during the martial law? He could not accept the actions of the authorities, because it would mean giving up their ideological identity. The political realism of oppositionist must lead to demands of cancellation of martial law and stop the repression. “Solidarity” during the martial law sustained idealistic goals: program of “Autonomous Republic” and in the future democratic and independent state. Realism method consisted of choosing forms of action that can be used with success. It can be said that a realistic attitude was Lech Walesa in internment, which relied on government inducements to support the martial law, and while there he didn’t give radical slogans and tried to make a realistic political action. Similarly, you can define the actions of leaders of underground “Solidarity”. They are generally approached from a distance to the ideas of a general strike, considering it is not unrealistic, but rather a legitimate considering the concept of the underground society and the long march. In terms of the discussion on political realism, you can also look at the main debate within the “Solidarity” in the second half of the 80th: for making public action and the pursuit of compromise. In conclusion we can say that all the time since martial law opposition was balanced between idealism and realism.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy postaci Romana Zimanda jako badacza kultury i pisarza politycznego. Autor przedstawia życiorys badacza, analizuje jego dorobek i podejście do pracy naukowej, zastanawia się nad jego funkcjonowaniem jako intelektualisty zaangażowanego politycznie, opisuje relacje między trzema aktorami wydarzeń: Zimandem, otaczającym go środowiskiem naukowym i władzami PRL. Wreszcie stawia pytanie o zasadność używania wobec Zimanda kategorii „intelektualisty totalnego” i zastanawia się nad typowością tego przypadku dla PRL po 1956 roku.
EN
This article is about the journalist, literary researcher, and opposition activist Roman Zimand. The author tries to answer several questions about Zimand’s life and achievements. What were his specific achievements and his approach to academic work? What role did the political context of the Polish People’s Republic play? What was the relationship between Zimand and the academic community in which he operated? To what extent can he be considered a “total intellectual”? The article begins with a brief biographical outline. Then the author focuses on presenting Zimand’s output and the specifics of his approach to academic work. The next part concerns Zimand’s political writing and the combination of his political commitment with his scholarship. Then the author discusses the relations between Zimand, the academic community, and the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic. In the last part of the article, the author considers the possibility of viewing Zimand as a “total intellectual.”
Pamiętnik Literacki
|
2024
|
vol. 115
|
issue 2
195-220
PL
Artykuł dotyczy nieznanego zbioru w większości niepublikowanych szkiców Romana Zimanda z lat 1971–1978, zachowanego w Archiwum Instytutu Literackiego w Paryżu. Na początku przedstawione zostały okoliczności powstania zbioru i plany Zimanda co do niego. Następnie autor analizuje, co Zimand pisał o literaturze dokumentu osobistego, o postawach aktorów życia publicznego w PRL, o stosunku francuskich polityków i intelektualistów do komunizmu, o współczesności i historii Związku Sowieckiego, a także o problemie narodu w trójkącie Polska–Rosja–Ukraina.
EN
The paper refers to an unknown collection of mostly unpublished sketches by Roman Zimand from the years 1971–1978 treasured in the archive of the Literary Institute in Paris. Initially, it presents the circumstances that lead to the production of the collection and to Zimand’s idea about it. Further, the author analyses what Zimand wrote about private literature document, Polish People’s Republic private life actors, the relationship of the French politicians and intellectuals to communism, about the contemporary and the history of the Soviet Union, as well as about the problem of nation in the Poland–Russia–Ukraine triangle.
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