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Wewnątrzpartyjne konflikty w głosowaniach sejmowych w PO i PiS w latach 2001–2014

100%
Stolicki D.
Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica
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2015
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issue 15
134-164
EN
The aim of the article was to analyze the inconsistent votings from the period 2001–2014, that is those votings which revealed inner conflicts or disharmonies in the two biggest Polish political parties – Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) and Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). The notion has never been analyzed before, therefore the research presented was of exploratory nature. Inconsistent votings were analyzed according to categories (legislative, personal, control, supervisory, resolution-making, etc.) and, in the case of votings on lawmaking bills, also according to the matter of a proposed bill. Inconsistent votings other than lawmaking were analyzed through a simplified case study in order to determine the reason for the lack of consistency. The most important results of the analysis were the significant drop in the number of inconsisten votings after 2005 both in PO and PiS; the clear division into the governing party and the opposition (however, inconsistency within the former is less common; and the most vital areas of inconsistency. Said areas include personal and ideological issues, European affairs (in PO up until the fourth term of office, whereas in PiS mainly due to ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon), as well as budget amendments (yet only in opposition parties). The analysis of correlation of inconsistencies within PiS and PO shows that the more those parties grow apart politically, the less often there is dissonance within them occurring at the same time.
2
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Specyfika konstytucjonalizmu stanowego w USA

100%
Stolicki D.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2017
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issue 48
203-239
EN
The article summarizes major peculiarities of American state constitutionalism, understood as a set of general principles governing form, legal nature, and content of state constitutions. It focuses primarily on the areas in which state constitutions differ from the federal Constitution. With the large difference in length as its starting point, the article analyzes such features of state constitutions as greater level of detail, broader catalog of constitutional subject matters, frequent incidence of constitutional legislation, plenary as opposed to enumerated character of state governmental powers, and relative ease of constitutional change at state level. It concludes that the foregoing features of state constitutions primarily reflect distrust in state governments (particularly legislatures) and willingness of political actors to treat constitutions as ordinary policy instruments as opposed to fundamental law. The article further examines the influence of those features on state constitutional interpretation, noting that the greater specificity and elasticity of state constitutions on one hand diminishes importance of originalism, but on the other hand – promotes strict textualism and is one of the leading causes of lesser incidence on informal constitutional changes (especially judge‑made) in the states.
3
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Ramy prawne reżimu detencji wojskowej w prawie amerykańskim w świetle aktualnego orzecznictwa

100%
Stolicki D.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2014
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issue 1(27)
21-59
EN
The practice of military detention of persons captured during the “global war on terror” has raised controversy both in the United States and abroad. This article, being the first in a series of articles analyzing the post‑2001 case law on military detention, focuses on the basic legal framework. The principal legal basis for military detention is the 2001 Congressional Authorization of Use of Military Force against organizations responsible for 9/11 attacks. Bush and Obama Administrations’ claim that the AUMF authorizes military detention has been accepted by the Supreme Court in a 2004 case Hamdi v. Rumsfeld and codified by Congress in 2011. The article briefly considers and rejects main objections against its constitutionality. More complex are the issues raised by the application of other legal rules that potentially apply to military detention: Due Process clause of the U.S. Constitution and international law of armed conflict, but under the current D.C. Circuit case law, neither of them limits the President’s detention authority. Instead, judges decide habeas corpus claims brought by the detainees on the basis of judge‑made common law rules.
4
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Skrzywione podziały. Na tropie gerrymanderingu w polskich gminach

63%
Flis J., Stolicki D.
Zarządzanie Publiczne / Public Governance
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2015
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issue 4(34)
23-35
PL
W artykule dokonano analizy zjawiska gerrymanderingu (manipulacji kształtem okręgów wyborczych dla korzyści politycznej) w polskich wyborach do rad gmin w 2014 r. Przedstawiamy jedną z możliwych metod identyfikacji gmin, w których podział na okręgi mógł przyczynić się do zniekształcenia wyników wyborów. Opiera się ona na dwóch wskaźnikach obliczanych dla komitetów włodarzy-inkubentów oraz ich głównych konkurentów (a więc stron, w przypadku których istnieje największe ryzyko zamieszania w gerrymandering, choć w różnym charakterze). Pierwszy to korelacja poparcia dla komitetu z rozmiarem okręgu wyborczego (świadczącej o tzw. upakowaniu lub rozproszeniu wyborców, charakteryzującym odpowiednio ofiary i beneficjentów gerrymanderingu), drugi − odchylenie uzyskanej liczby mandatów od wartości oczekiwanej wynikającej z wyestymowanej krzywej potęgowej. W gminach, w których dla przynajmniej jednego komitetu obydwa wskaźniki przyjmują wartości odległe od normy, istnieje podejrzenie gerrymanderingu. W dalszych etapach projektu badawczego będziemy je weryfikować (m.in. badając, czy podział gminy na okręgi był przedmiotem sporu politycznego).
EN
The paper analyzes the scope of gerrymandering (manipulation of electoral district boundaries for political gain) in Polish township council elections of 2014. It presents one of the possible methods for identifying those townships where districting plan could have resulted in distortion of electoral results. The paper employs two indexes calculated for committees associated with incumbent township executives and their principal competitors (the parties most likely to be involved in gerrymandering, though in different roles). The first one is a correlation of the number of votes with district size (indicating either packing or cracking, characterizing respectively victims and beneficiaries of gerrymandering), and the second one – a deviation of the actual number of seats from a theoretical projection based on estimated power law curve. In townships where for at least one committee both of those indexes deviate from the norm, there exists a probability that gerrymandering might have occurred, which will be verified in the later stages of the research project (through such measures as, inter alia, testing whether the districting process was politically controversial).
5
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Powszechność i partykularyzm – przechyły terytorialne w wyborach sejmikowych 2006-2014

63%
Flis J., Stolicki D.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2017
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vol. 43
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issue 2
65-81
PL
Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie terytorialnej polaryzacji rywalizacji wyborczej do sejmików województw w latach 2006-2014. Stosując wskaźnik przechylenia terytorialnego, autorzy artykułu porównali w każdym województwie poparcie komitetów wyborczych w powiatach, w których uzyskiwały one wyniki lepsze od mediany dla danego województwa, z poparciem w powiatach, w których wyniki te były gorsze. Ustalili w ten sposób, w których województwach rywalizacja jest najbardziej i najmniej spolaryzowana, a także które ugrupowania najczęściej i najrzadziej ulegają polaryzacji terytorialnej. Zauważyli, że poparcie dla dużych ugrupowań jest mniej spolaryzowane, co prowadzi do istotnych konkluzji odnośnie równowagi między integracją a partykularyzmem jako mechanizmami generującymi poparcie wyborcze. Jakkolwiek odwoływanie się do spolaryzowanego terytorialnie poparcia pozwala zaistnieć w wyborach, przekraczając ustawowe i naturalne progi, to uzyskanie wyniku pozwalającego na zdobycie władzy wymaga większego wyrównania bazy wyborczej w wymiarze terytorialnym
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the territorial polarization of rivalry in the elections for Polish regional assemblies (sejmiks) between 2006 and 2014. The authors compared the support for electoral committees in the counties (powiats) showing higher and the counties showing lower than the average for a whole province (wojewodztwo) results. The study covered all Polish provinces. To perform the study, the authors used the indicator of territorial shifts. It was noted that the support for big parties was less polarized, which leads to conclusions about the balance between integration and particularism as mechanisms generating electoral support. Referring to territorially polarized support helps parties to prove themselves in elections (passing statutory and natural thresholds), but achieving results that allow gaining power requires a bigger balance in the electoral base in a given territory.
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