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USA, CoCom i embargo strategiczne. Kontrola dyfuzji technologii podwójnego zastosowania w czasie zimnej wojny, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem PRL

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Sikora M.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2018
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vol. 50
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issue 4
EN
Artykuł systematyzuje stan badań nad zagadnieniem embarga strategicznego stosowanego przez państwa zrzeszone w Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls wobec państw komunistycznych w dobie zimnej wojny. Zostały scharakteryzowane zasoby archiwalne oraz wskazane nowe możliwe perspektywy badawcze. Na przykładzie PRL omówiona została amerykańska polityka udzielania tzw. wyjątków na sprzedaż dóbr podwójnego (cywilnego i wojskowego) zastosowania państwom RWPG. Ponadto wykorzystano dokumenty wywiadu polskiego, prezentujące rozbieżności w łonie państw CoCom na tle sprzedaży nowych technologii do ZSRR i pozostałych państw bloku komunistycznego. The article systematises the current state of research into the question of strategic embargo imposed by the member states of the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls against the communist states during the Cold War. The author characterises the archival material and indicates new research perspectives. On the example of the Polish People’s Republic, he discusses the American policy of granting exceptions for the sale of the so-called “dual-use goods” (strategic goods of military and civil application) to the COMECON states. In addition, documents of Polish intelligence have been used that present discrepancies between the COCOM states on the sale of new technologies to the USSR and other states of the communist bloc.
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Cena lojalności wobec II Rzeczypospolitej. Wywłaszczenie Habsburgów żywieckich przez narodowosocjalistyczne Niemcy 1939–1944

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Sikora M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2011
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issue 1(17)
231-245
EN
In the autumn of 1939, the National Socialist Germany occupying Poland, started imposing a Germanisation policies in the newly incorporated into the Third Reich territories of the Second Polish Republic. The most effective methods of removing Polish identity – apart from elimination of the leadership – were Polish people displacement and dispossession. First months of the occupation were aimed at a gathering information about people living in areas annexed by the Nazi Germany. In 1939, a police population census was taken in the Province of Silesia. The Żywiec District was considered to be unique thanks to its mountainous terrain and enormously rich tree cover which were looked on by German authorities as a great potential both for the timber industry development and for the expansion of the tourist sector in the Żywiec Region. Several dozen hectares of mainly spruce forests belonged to the Habsburgs of Żywiec line. From the very beginning of the German occupation, due to the fact that Karl Albrecht and his spouse Alice – landowners of nearly 30 thousand hectares of forests and of the brewery – had a good relationship with the authority elites of the Second Polish Republic during the inter-war years, they met with deep distrust expressed by German secret police apparatus. The Gestapo got completed very quickly all the materials confirming not only Karl’s sympathy for Polish identity but also his financial support of Polish military efforts. In September 1939 he volunteered to the Polish Army, then in November he was imprisoned and his wife with children were put under house arrest. From that time until the spring of 1943, a discussion on a future of the Habsburgs’ fortune started. From March 1941, despite of the pressure from the Gestapo, the Habsburgs consistently refused to sign the German People’s List (Volksliste) ostensibly demonstrating their support for Poland and their contempt for the National Socialist regime. It ended definitely in the autumn of 1942 when they were sent to the Third Reich as labourers and their whole property was took over. A different fate awaited countess von Montjoye – Leo Karl Habsburg’s widow, brother of Karl Albrecht. She inherited over 10 thousand hectares of forests and many agricultural estates. During her talks with representatives of the Nazi Party and police she always emphasized her and her children’s deep attachment to the German language, culture and nationality. The problem of whether to accept her registration in the Volksliste (Heinrich Himmler was very dubious of it) as well as the issue of Karl Albrecht and Alice, became, during the occupation, a top-level discussion in the Third Reich.
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Zasady i praktyka przejęcia majątku polskiego przez III Rzeszę, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sektora rolnego oraz mieszkaniowego, na przykładzie prowincji śląskiej (górnośląskiej) w latach 1939–1944

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Sikora M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2009
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issue 1(14)
177-200
EN
The author of the article presents the formal principles and practice of taking over Polish property by the German authorities in the territory annexed to the Third Reich in autumn 1939. The article focuses on the actions headed to expropriation, confiscation, temporary management and sale of the farm as well as housing and building plots. The competences (jurisdiction) of the German central and regional – civil as well as SS administration were characterized, and thereby their responsibility for carrying out the expropriation. As the example served the Polish territories, that had been incorporated to the province of Silesia (a part of which was named since January 1941 Upper Silesia). The author brings closer the individual stages of the taking over of the Polish property – from registering and estimating its amount and value, by removing of the Polish owner and the management of expropriated farm or housing plot to the selling and leasing it to a German citizen (Reichsdeutsch, Volksdeutsch, displaced person) or its nationalization. There were in Reich three persons – and at the same time three central instances with a subordinated to them regional apparatus – who had an influence on the management and redistribution of the occupied Polish (and Jewish) property: Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring as the superior of the Chief Trust Office East (Haupttreuhandstelle Ost), Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler as the Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of Germandom (Reichskommissar für die Festigung des deutschen Volkstums), and the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture (Reichsminister für Ernährung und Landwirtschaft) Richard Walter Darré (until 1942). The lack of clear-cut of jurisdiction caused frictions between these instances not only at the minister level, but also in the Region, among others in Upper Silesia. During the war Himmler was extending his infl uences on the control and redistribution of the occupied property, using his competences in the area of colonization of the annexed eastern territory.
4
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Informational Support of Civilian Intelligence for Heavy Industry (Including Machine Industry) and the Energy Sector in the Polish People’s Republic in the Years 1970–1990

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Sikora M.
Studia Historiae Oeconomicae
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2018
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vol. 36
143-173
EN
Throughout the existence of the Polish People’s Republic (PPR), its scientific and technical intelligence (S&TI) supported Polish mining, energy, metallurgy, and machine industries. Cooperation with companies and research and development centers intensified in the first half of the 1970s, as a natural consequence of the experience accumulated by the intelligence service in the previous fifteen years. The most crucial issues related to the improvement of secret methods of acquiring technologies for the Polish economy were defining the scope of the tasks, i.e. the types of technologies which can be acquired by intelligence or purchased in the black market, selecting objects, (i.e. institutions and organizations with the required knowledge), and recruiting personal sources of information in western facilities. Apart from acquiring specific solutions S&TI also developed analyses related to specific countries, as well as to specific technologies in the global aspect or to international corporations that possessed the technologies. Furthermore, S&TI was engaged by the Polish government to provide information to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of International Trade during trade negotiations with foreign contractors. Author draws the history of Polish S&TI during the 70s and 80s, showcasing its operations, explaining its modus operandi and discussing the question about the efficiency of illicit transfer of know-how from OECD for the purposes technical progress in communist Poland. Article bases on recently declassified documents of Polish intelligence service from the pre-1990 period. There are moreover other archival records as well as secondary sources explored.
5
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Ochrona operacyjna dużych zakładów przemysłowych przez aparat bezpieczeństwa PRL. Przykład huty żelaza w Częstochowie 1950–1990

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Sikora M.
Aparat Represji w Polsce Ludowej 1944–1989
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2022
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issue 20
15-81
EN
The subject of this article is the protection by the Ministry of the Interior’s Security Service of an industrial facility that was important for the economy of the Polish People’s Republic, namely the Bolesław Bierut Steelworks in Częstochowa. The actions taken by the Security Service against the Steelworks’ staff, the legal basis for these actions and the surveillance methods used are presented. The author’s overview of the Security Service’s activity begins with the Stalinist era and leads the reader through the social revolts of the late 1960s and early 1970s as well as the year 1976 to the turbulent 1980s. Thanks to the documents preserved in the Archive of the Institute of National Remembrance, we can follow the unrest in the workers’ environment, the opposition of its representatives to the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic, and the mutual friction within the triangle of the steelwork’s blue-collar workers, supervisors and administration. Irregularities and ‘threats’ of a political, social (strikes) and economic (especially mismanagement) nature, including economic crime and espionage incidents, were the main areas of the analytical, operational and investigative activities of the communist security and repression apparatus. A reconstruction of the history of the operational control of the HBB Steelworks allows us to draw several general conclusions. These include the conclusion that the Security Service’s tasks in large state-owned workplaces were part of the range of tasks posed to secret services in modern states in general (including democratic ones), which were related to the protection of the economic interests of the state as such. At the same time, the Secret Service was also determined to carry out its political police function, persecuting workers for their views. A surprising conclusion from the author’s statistical measurements is the low rate of reclassification of exploratory cases into investigative cases. The Secret Service was generally unable to gather convincing evidence for the prosecution or the court, so convictions for hostile activities (with the exception of martial law) and for criminal and economic offences were rare. 
PL
Tematem artykułu jest zabezpieczenie przez Służbę Bezpieczeństwa MSW ważnego dla gospodarki PRL obiektu przemysłowego, jakim była Huta im. Bolesława Bieruta w Częstochowie. Zaprezentowano czynności podejmowane przez SB wobec załogi huty, podstawy prawne tych działań, a także stosowane metody inwigilacji. Przegląd aktywności SB autor rozpoczyna od czasów stalinizmu i poprzez bunty społeczne przełomu lat sześćdziesiątych i siedemdziesiątych oraz rok 1976 prowadzi czytelnika do burzliwych lat osiemdziesiątych. Dzięki zachowanym w Archiwum IPN dokumentom możemy śledzić niepokoje w środowisku robotniczym, sprzeciw jego przedstawicieli wobec władz PRL, a także wzajemne tarcia w trójkącie pracownicy fizyczni – nadzór – administracja huty. Nieprawidłowości i „zagrożenia” o charakterze politycznym, społecznym (strajki) oraz gospodarczym (zwłaszcza niegospodarność), z przestępczością gospodarczą i incydentami na tle szpiegowskim włącznie, to główne obszary działań analitycznych, operacyjno-rozpoznawczych i śledczych komunistycznego aparatu bezpieczeństwa i represji. Rekonstrukcja historii ochrony operacyjnej HBB daje podstawy do wysnucia kilku generalnych wniosków, m.in. takiego, że zadania SB w dużych państwowych zakładach pracy wpisywały się w wachlarz zadań stawianych służbom specjalnym w nowoczesnych państwach w ogóle (także demokratycznych), co było związane z ochroną interesów ekonomicznych państwa jako takiego. Zarazem SB z determinacjąrealizowała funkcję policji politycznej, prześladując pracowników za ich poglądy. Zaskakującym wnioskiem z dokonanych przez autora pomiarów statystycznych jest niski współczynnik przekwalifikowywania spraw o charakterze rozpoznawczym na sprawy śledcze. SB na ogół nie potrafiła zgromadzić przekonującego prokuraturę lub sąd materiału dowodowego, toteż wyroki skazujące za wrogą działalność (z wyjątkiem stanu wojennego) oraz za przestępstwa kryminalne i gospodarcze były rzadkością.
6
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Zasady i praktyka przejęcia majątku polskiego przez III Rzeszę, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem sektora rolnego oraz mieszkaniowego, na przykładzie prowincji śląskiej (górnośląskiej) w latach 1939–1944

100%
Sikora M.
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
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2008
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issue 2(13)
43-82
EN
The article presents the formal principles and practices concerning expropriation of Polish property by the German authorities in the territory annexed to the Third Reich in autumn 1939. The article focuses on the expropriation, confiscation, temporary management and sale of farms, as well as residential housing and building plots. The divisions of competency, between the German civilian central and regional administrative bodies, as well as the SS administration, are defined in an effort to determine responsibility for execution of particular expropriations in the annexed territories in the name of ‘strengthening Germanhood’. Polish territories incorporated into the province of Silesia are used as a case study. The author delineates the stages of expropriating Polish property – from registering and assessing value, to removal of Polish owners (private owners – Polish nationals, Jewish or ethnically Polish, or Polish state property) and management of expropriated farmsteads or home, thru its sale or lease to German citizens (Reichsdeutsch, Volksdeutsch, or resettled Germans) or its nationalization. Three persons, whose roles and responsibilities intertwined, were responsible for the management and redistribution of expropriated Polish (and Jewish) property: Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring, as the superior of the Chief Trust Office East (Haupttreuhandstelle Ost), Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler as the Reich Commissioner for the Strengthening of Germanhood (Reichskommissar für die Festigung des deutschen Volkstums), and the Reich Minister for Food and Agriculture (Reichsminister für Ernährung und Landwirtschaft) Richard Walter Darré (until 1942). The lack of clear-cut jurisdictions caused frictions between the offices, both at the ministerial and regional levels, and were not avoided in Upper Silesia. During the war Himmler consistently extended his infl uences over the control and redistribution of seized property, using his authority over issues of colonization of annexed territories.
7
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Wywiad naukowo-techniczny PRL a technologie wojskowe. Wybrane zagadnienia

100%
Sikora M.
Aparat Represji w Polsce Ludowej 1944–1989
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2021
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issue 19
242-274
EN
The aim of this article is to reconnoitre a new field of historical research. It may be defined as: the effects of the work of the scientific and technical intelligence of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) in the field of technologies of military use. Research on civilian technologies is relatively advanced, while the transfer of (mainly Western) solutions from the field of armaments industry has so far constituted only a margin of various historical works on the history of intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland, including military intelligence, as well as the history of science and technology. The author focuses on a few selected aspects. The first is the widely understood arms market in the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL), including Poland’s obligations as a member of the Warsaw Pact, as well as its political and economic dependence on the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The second part discusses the approach of NATO countries trying to slow down the technological progress of the Eastern Bloc, mainly by controlling and hindering the purchase of modern products of so-called dual (i.e. civilian and military) use by countries such as the PRL. In the next chapter, the author discusses perhaps the most spectacular example of the successful infiltration by the intelligence community of the Warsaw Pact countries into the Pentagon’s armament programmes. He points out, however, that Poland achieved marginal gains from this operation, mainly based on its agent assets. The last section of the article is devoted to the prospective theatre of armed conflict between the superpowers, which, since the 1980s at the latest, was space. The orbital weapons race began as the communist states, especially the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the People’s Republic of Poland, fell into irreversible economic crisis. Despite this, the intelligence services of these states at least tried to get an idea of the progress of the USA in the field of militarisation of space. The author conducted his research mainly based on sources held in the Archives of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN). However, documents obtained from the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs are an important supplement.
PL
Artykuł ma na celu rekonesans nowego pola badań historycznych. Może ono być zdefiniowane roboczo jako efekty pracy wywiadu naukowo-technicznego PRL w zakresie technologii o przeznaczeniu wojskowym. Badania nad technologiami cywilnymi są stosunkowo zaawansowane, podczas gdy transfer (głównie zachodnich) rozwiązań z dziedziny przemysłu zbrojeniowego stanowił dotychczas jedynie margines różnych prac historycznych dotyczących wywiadu PRL, w tym wywiadu wojskowego, a także historii nauki i techniki. Autor skoncentrował się na omówieniu kilku wybranych aspektów. Pierwszym z nich jest szeroko rozumiany rynek uzbrojenia w PRL, zobowiązania Polski wynikające z tytułu przynależności do Układu Warszawskiego, a także polityczne i ekonomiczne uzależnienie od ZSRS. W części drugiej omówiona została optyka państw NATO, starających się spowolnić postęp technologiczny bloku wschodniego głównie poprzez kontrolę i utrudnienie państwom takim jak PRL zakup nowoczesnych dóbr tzw. podwójnego (tj. cywilnego i wojskowego) zastosowania. W kolejnym rozdziale autor omawia najbardziej spektakularny bodaj przykład udanego przeniknięcia wspólnoty wywiadowczej państw Układu Warszawskiego do programów zbrojeniowych Pentagonu. Zaznacza jednak, że Polska osiągnęła znikome korzyści z tej operacji, choć przeprowadzono ją głównie w oparciu o jej aktywa agenturalne. Ostatnia sekcja artykułu poświęcona jest perspektywicznemu teatrowi konfliktu zbrojnego mocarstw, za jaki najpóźniej od lat osiemdziesiątych uważany był kosmos. Wyścig w zakresie broni orbitalnego stacjonowania rozpoczął się w momencie, gdy państwa komunistyczne, w tym zwłaszcza ZSRS i PRL, popadać zaczęły w nieodwracalny kryzys gospodarczy. Mimo to wywiady tych państw usiłowały przynajmniej zorientować się w postępie USA na polu militaryzacji kosmosu. Kwerendę prowadził autor głównie w oparciu o źródła zgromadzone w Archiwum IPN. Ważnym uzupełnieniem są jednak dokumenty pozyskane z Archiwum MSZ Francji.
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