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EN
In the last twenty years we have been able to observe an increase in the significance of regional and ethnic identities (“reethnification”), and a resultant proliferation of ethnoregional and regional groupings. But although ethnoregionalist parties (ERP) are widespread in both Western and Central and Eastern Europe, there remains surprisingly little literature differentiating between the various kinds of ethnoregionalist parties and dealing with the lack of common definition of this kind of political actors. Some scholars even propose using a broader term – ethnic party. Moreover, over the years many scholars have believed (and some continue to) that their emergence in multicultural societies conjures up the politicisation of ethnic division and – practically inevitably – leads to “ethnic outbidding”, threatening to the stability of democracy. In the first part of the paper, the author deals with the conceptualisation of ethnoregionalist parties, examining the diversifications of their demands and strategies and showing that to gain voters they can invoke a much broader repertoire of strategies than the ethnic outbidding model suggested. The second part of the article is devoted to the problem of operation of selected ERPs in Serbia and Croatia. The analysis covers Hungarian parties in Serbia and Serbian ones in Croatia. In the concluding remarks, the author tries to point out the main reasons for the changes in their strategy (as well as demands) over time.
PL
Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji.
EN
in Serbia and represent three national minorities: Hungarian, Bosnian, and Albanian. The timeframe of the research covers the period between the first free parliamentary elections that took place in 1990 and the elections in 2008. The aim of the article is to show some common features characteristic for the functioning of national minority parties in Serbia. The analysis focuses on the influence of the activities and strategies undertaken by this type of parties on the electoral system (and its reforms), the engagement of the Serbian authorities in conflicts on the area of the post-Yugoslavian republics in the 1990s and the principles of registering political parties. The article also presents changes in the regulations introduced in this respect based on the novelization of the act of political parties legislated on 12th of May 2009. The changes facilitate creating parties that represent national minorities which in fact favours further fragmentation.
EN
The problem of the influence of the Europeanisation process on party systems became a “hit” at international conferences in European studies and political sciences just after the “big‑bang” EU enlargement in 2004. Although in the last ten years this research has often encompassed the party systems of many Central and Eastern European countries, it still seldom includes the post‑Yugoslav states. On the other hand, although some scholars had assumed that the EU’s impact on party politics (including both political and organisational changes) in the new member states would be greater than in the old EU countries (EU‑15), in general their assumptions have not been confirmed. Of course we can find exceptions, though, and in the author’s opinion one of these is the Serbian party system. In the first part of the paper the author deals with conceptualisation of the Europeanisation of political parties, examining theoretical problems above all connected with the question of how we should measure the significance of the influence of Europeanisation on domestic party politics. The second part of the article is devoted to the problem of Europeanisation of Serbian and Croatian parties as well as the party systems in both investigated countries. To examine this question, four of the five elements (leaving aside government‑party relations) of Ladrech’s approach to the Europeanisation of national parties will be used.
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