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EN
The transformation of the political system in Poland after the negotiations of the‘Round Table’ resulted in an increased interest in modern history, accompanied by a desire to reckon with the past, in particular with the period of communist rule after 1944. Since the 1990s, government authorities and political parties have made a natural move to legitimize the democratic political system in the area of social memory and historical policy. This process has been initiated by constitutional changes, coupled with a truly spontaneous social movement to change national symbols, names of streets and squares, patrons of schools and universities, institutions and manufacturing plants rooted in the overthrown system of communist Poland. The humanities, in particular historiography, have taken steps to reassess attitudes to Polish and global history. The issues of social memory, national identity and historical policy have been reflected in the ideologies and platforms of various political parties. The issue of social (national) memory has become entangled in political disputes and a struggle for ‘control of the past’, of interpretations of history, the value of patriotism and, by extension, of the electorate, has been waged mainly by the Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) parties. This paper analyzes and describes the most influential political movements in Poland in the early 21st century as regards their attitude to collective memory and the concept of historical policy. These attitudes are presented in terms of the conservative, liberal, critical and totalitarian ‘models of historical policy’. The study implies that the conservative and liberal models predominate, clearly influenced by the ideology of Christian democracy and national tendencies. The attitude of conservative parties in particular is characterized by disrespect for academic findings and interpretations of history, a frequently ad hoc approach to facts and assessments of the past, which follows from a desire to find the in-depth historical legitimization of the status of a given party in society and to dominate the electorate.
EN
In 2004 before the election to the European Parliament social democratic and liberal parties were expected to succeed. These parties cooperated with Socialist International (SI); Party of European Socialists (PES); Party of European Liberals, Democrats and Reformers (ELDR). Polish political scene did also change. Number of rightist and central parties’ supporters increased. Around 1900 candidates, among them those who were against the accession and their programmes made the PE election kind of the test before the national ones (parliamentary and national). Election campaign was short, boring and did not seem to be the first PE campaign. Attendance around 20,78 and was much more shorter than in referendum (2003). Platforma Obywatelska gained fifteen seats in European Parliament, four seats won liberal Unia Wolności. Social Democratic parties lost a lot of supporters- Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, Unia Pracy and Socjaldemokracja Polska gained together eight seats. Radical national rightists, centre and populists attained twenty seven seats among all Polish fifty four.
EN
Biographers of Maria Skłodowska-Curie, characterizing her features of personality, underline her pragmatism, consequence in action and logical mind. Her studies in the fields of mathematics, physics and chemistry developed these features of personality and, at the same time, paved her way to achievements on the world’s scale.
EN
The seasonal emigration for labour, from Polish territories (Galicia mainly) to Denmark began in 1893. Till 1914, in the period of Spring and Summer, about 12 thousand people worked there every year. About 90% of Polish workers were young girls. During the war (1914-1918) about 5 thousand workers became permanent residents. These people initiated the existence of Polish colony in Denmark. Since 1899, the protection of Polish workers had been organized by catholic priests (Dutch, Belgian and Danish monks mainly). This protection was focused on pastoral service. During the war, there were also attempts to organize Polish schools. The first association of Polish emigrants in Denmark - the Union of Poles-Catholics - was organized in June 1918, at the suggestion of Polish refugees in Copenhagen (J.J. Kowalczyk, J.M. Dropiowski). The Union created over 20 local branches in Sealand, Jutland, Lolland, Falster, Fun, with 1000-1300 members. The Catholic Associaton of Women (over 400 members) was attached to the Union as well. Since June 1918 till June 1919, the Union edited SO issues of the magazine "The Pole in Denmark". The Union organized religious and national life of Polish emigrants. It created Polish libraries, set up several education stations of Polish language and organized social assistance for emigrants and refugees. The Union acted as official representation of Polish workers to Danish authorites. In the end of 1919, the Union stopped its activities. The article and attached appendices are ample with data. The names of catholic priests working among Poles are given, as well as the names of nearly 100 Union activists, working on almost whole territory of Denmark.
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Studia politologiczne w Polsce

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EN
The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the development of university po-litical studies in Poland with a special focus on the period of the III Republic. A histori-cal overview of the tradition of political science in Poland and in the Polish lands in the period of partitions, starting from the XV century constitutes an introduction to the topic. The significance of Jagiellonian University, Vilnius Academy, Lvov Jesuit Acad-emy, The Knights Academy, universities in Cracow, Vilnius, Lvov, Warsaw, the Warsaw School of Political Sciences and others is pointed out. The beginnings of the formation of political science in the period of the People’s Republic of Poland since the half of the 1960s, including the contribution of the Polish Society of Political Sciences to the matter and the pioneers of the Polish political science is presented. The main body of the paper is constituted by the presentation of the institutional development of chairs, institutes and faculties of political (or social) sciences at the state schools of further education (currently, 14 university schools and 5 other state schools). It includes numerous tables showing an increase in the number of students and teaching staff in political science until the academic year of 2002/2003. In a synthetic manner, a dynamic, albeit not devoid of shortcomings, development of university studies in political science at public schools of further education (currently, 34 schools) is shown. The paper is concluded with an overview of scientific journals dedicated to political science which are published both by the state and public schools.
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