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Współczesne stosunki irańsko- północnokoreańskie- realny sojusz czy ograniczona współpraca?

100%
Bielicki P.
Przegląd Orientalistyczny
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2020
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issue 2-3 (274-275) "Świat islamu w perspektywie badań arabistycznych i politologicznych Historia i współczesność"
109-118
EN
The main purpose of the paper is to present the most important conditions and dependencies that characterize current relations between North Korea and Iran. These entities are today one of the most significant threats for international security. The first part of the paper presents the history Iran-North Korean relations, focusing on the Cold War period and North Korea’s support for Iran during the Iraqi-Iranian war. The second part of the paper focuses on tracing the development of the communist regime’s political contacts with Iran from the 1990s to the Arab Spring in 2011, based mainly on mutual support for its nuclear programs. Lastly, the paper follows the cooperation of North Korea and Iran in recent years, primarily regarding issues related to the growing pressure of the United States to stop the development of nuclear weapons in the DPRK and Iran. The conclusion serves as an attempt to answer the question whether future ties between North Korea and Iran should be expected. Another question would be whether the contacts of both countries can be assessed as a real alliance, however, they are more limited in nature. In addition, it is important to address issues such as whether and how the cooperation of both sides will significantly affect the architecture of modern international security.
2
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UWARUNKOWANIA POLITYCZNO-EKONOMICZNE POLITYKI CHIŃSKIEJ REPUBLIKI LUDOWEJ NA BLISKIM WSCHODZIE

100%
Bielicki P.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2018
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issue 2(16)
22-40 (19)
EN
The subject of my interest is to characterize the most important political and eco-nomic conditions that characterize the policy of the People's Republic of China towards the Middle East region. The main purpose of my work is to present holistic aspects of Chinese diplomacy towards the Muslim world, boiling down mainly to the economic conquest of the Middle East area. At the outset, I trace the relations of the China with Iraq and Iran, which are current-ly the most important countries in the Middle East for Beijing, thanks to which Beijing is systematically strengthening its position in the region. In the ensuing section of the arti-cle, I would like to discuss Beijing's relations with other political entities in the Middle East, starting with Israel and Palestine, ending with the rich states of the Persian Gulf - Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates. An important element of my reflections is also the mention of Beijing's position on political disputes in the Middle East - the Israeli-Palestinian and Syrian conflicts and the growing Islamic State, which in some way relates to the Uighur issue, extremely troublesome for Beijing due to the sepa-ratist struggle of the inhabitants of this society. In summary, I will try to outline whether Beijing's policy towards the Middle East will undergo certain modifications in the near future. I also intend to try to answer the question whether the concerns of the region's countries over China's economic power are justified.
3
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Federacja Rosyjska wobec Brexitu – szanse i zagrożenia

100%
Bielicki P.
Historia i Polityka
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2019
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issue 27 (34)
23-40
EN
The subject of my interest is to analyze the most important conditions and dependencies regarding the attitude of the Russian Federation towards Brexit in the political, economic and military dimension. The main purpose of these considerations is an attempt to answer the question of whether Britain’s exit from the European Union may become a chance for Russia to achieve its political, economic and military goals or a threat to its international interests. At the outset, I intend to describe the political dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the attempts of the Kremlin’s government and journalists to find out why the British have made the decision in the referendum. I would also like to present a hypothesis that because of the vote in the UK, Moscow has once again become a major player in the international arena after the annexation of Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine, as evidenced by the US–Russian cooperation in resolving the Syrian conflict. In the further part of the text, I address the problem of Russia’s economic situation and the possible implications of Brexit on the functioning of the Russian economy. In addition, I am introducing the military dimension of Brexit for Russia, which is related to the findings of the NATO summit in in July 2016, regarding the strengthening of the Alliance’s forces on the so-called Eastern flank. In summary, I will try to outline whether Brexit may be a long-term opportunity or a threat to Russia, considering its current political, economic and military interests.
4
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Znaczenie relacji rosyjsko-czeczeńskich dla współczesnego bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego

100%
Bielicki P.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2018
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vol. 4(19)
117-140
EN
The main purpose of my work is to present the determinants and dependencies that characterize the Russian-Chechen relations for international political and economic security in the former Soviet Union and the Middle East, especially the Russian Federation. At the beginning, I intend to trace the process of the Chechen war and consolidate the power of the current leader of the country, Ramzan Kadyrov with the help of the President Russia, Vladimir Putin. At the same time, I will present the geopolitical significance of Chechnya in the international security system. In the following, I would like to present the implications of Russian-Chechen relations for other countries of the former USSR area- Ukraine, where in all probability Chechen “volunteers” participated in the fighting in Donbas. Finally, an important element of this work will be signaling, that President Kadyrov, despite aware of the Kremlin’s dependence on many matters, especially in economic terms, is starting to pursue an increasingly independent policy, as exemplified by the growing islamization of Chechnya, the participation of Chechen the Syrian conflict, Kadyrov active participation in the persecution of the Russian opposition, and finally the defense by the Chechen policy of the Muslim population of Rohingya in Myanmar against Moscow abstemious position. I would like to present the possible consequences of the above actions for the Russian Federation. It is not a secret that President Putin, despite the declared support for Kadyrov, is increasingly disapproving of some of his actions. In addition, it will be reasonable to present the reception of Kadyrov’s activities in other post-Soviet areas. In summary, I intend to answer the question whether major changes in the relations of both countries should be expected – and whether and how any changes will affect the architecture of international security.
RU
Главная цель моей работы – это представление обусловленности и зависимости, характеризующих российско-чеченские отношения для международной политической и экономической безопасности на территории бывшего Советского Союза, Ближнего Востока, а особенно Российской Федерации. Сначала я намереваюсь проследить процесс чеченской войны и укрепление власти нынешнего главы республики Рамзана Кадырова с помощью президента России Владимира Путина. Одновременно я представлю геополитическое значение Чечни в международной системе безопасности. Далее я хотел бы представить последствия российско-чеченских отношений для других стран постсоветского пространства, например, для Украины, где вероятнее всего чеченские «добровольцы» участвовали в боях в Донбассе. И, наконец, важным элементом данной работы будет постановка тезиса, что президент Кадыров, несмотря на осознаваемую зависимость от Кремля во многих сферах, особенно в экономическом плане, начинает вести все более самостоятельную политику, примером чего является возрастающая исламизация Чечни, участие чеченцев в конфликте в Сирии, активное участие Кадырова в преследовании российской оппозиции и, наконец, защита чеченским политиком мусульманского населения рохинджа в Бирме вопреки сдержанной позиции Москвы. Я хотел бы представить возможные последствия вышеупомянутых действий для Российской Федерации. Не секрет, что президент Путин, невзирая на декларируемую поддержку для Кадырова, все с меньшим одобрением смотрит на некоторые его начинания. Кроме того, сообразным будет представить восприятие действий Кадырова в других странах постсоветского пространства. Подводя итоги, я попытаюсь ответить на вопрос, следует ли ожидать существенных изменений в российско-чеченских взаимоотношениях, а также или и какие возможные изменения повлияют на структуру международной безопасности?
5
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Russia Under the Pyramids. The Significance of Russia-Egypt Relations Under Vladimir Putin

63%
Purat A., Bielicki P.
Historia i Polityka
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2018
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issue 26 (33)
9-27
EN
The subject of our interest is to analyze the significance of Russia-Egypt relations undervVladimir Putin. The main purpose of our studies is to present the most important conditions and dependencies that characterize political, economic and military relations between the two countries. In the beginning, we would like to discuss the history of relations between the abovementioned states, dating back to the times of the USSR. The key issue is the description of diplomatic relations between the two countries under the rule of Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt and Anwar Sadat, after which for many years there had been a freeze in mutual relations up to the turn of the 21st century. In the next part of the discussion we present the most important goals and assumptions of political relations between Moscow and Cairo, implemented from the beginning of Putin’s rule in 2000 and by subsequent ruling elites in Egypt. We are mainly talking about Egypt gradually turning away from the United States, Russia’s slow return to the Middle East, the conflicts in Libya, Syria and tensions between the rulers of Egypt and Qatar, which harbors followers of the Muslim Brotherhood persecuted by Cairo. In addition, we examine the importance of economic issues in bilateral relations, focusing on the growing cooperation in the field of energy. We also describe the significance of military aspect and the related maritime doctrine of the Russian Federation, in which Egypt was mentioned as one of the most important partners of Russia in the Middle East. In the summary, we present possible forecasts for the future in mutual relations, at the same time trying to answer the question of how real is the significant weakening of the Egyptian-American relations and Egypt’s turn to Russia in the future.
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