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1

Miejsce Samoobrony RP w typologii partii politycznych

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Lisiakiewicz R.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2014
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issue 2(926)
37-54
PL
Samoobrona Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej kierowana przez charyzmatycznego lidera A. Leppera w pierwszym dziesięcioleciu XXI w. była jedną z najciekawszych formacji na polskiej scenie politycznej. Jej sukces oraz upadek należy wiązać z określoną sytuacją polityczną w kraju oraz specyficznym apelem politycznym i sposobem działania ugrupowania. Jednocześnie trudno jednoznacznie sklasyfikować to stronnictwo. W artykule podjęto próbę naświetlenia podstawowych problemów związanych z umiejscowieniem Samoobrony RP w typologii partii politycznych.
EN
Samoobrona RP (Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland), headed by its charismatic leader, Andrzej Lepper, was one of the most interesting parties on the Polish political scene throughout the first decade of the 21st century. Its success and ultimate collapse can be attributed to the political situation in Poland, the party’s unique political appeal and the way it conducted itself – all factors that make it difficult to classify the party. In this article the author shines a light on the fundamental problems concerning the typology of Samoobrona RP.
2
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The Place of NATO in Russian Security Policy in The 21st Century – Overview of The Matter

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Lisiakiewicz R.
Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie
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2017
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vol. 22
76-87
EN
In 2006 Dimitry Trenin stated that Russia left the West and began to work on creation of her own sphere on influence. The area of Russian activity in particular was the post-Soviet zone where Moscow wanted to rebuild their dominant position. Sergey Karaganow added: “Moscow has realized that she neither wants to nor she can afford to integrate with the West on the conditions proposed by the West – the type of integration without the right of veto”38. Alexander Dugin, an Euro-Asian ideologist claimed: “We proved that we did not give a damn about NATO and we were not afraid of it. We have the nuclear weapon and we are ready to use it. Russia crossed the line from which she can not withdraw anymore. This is a course for the revival of Russian sovereignty and the position of regional power – in practice, not just in words”39. The above quotations reflect the Russian attitude to the NATO and show the role of this organization for Russia. Undoubtedly, the Alliance is perceived by Russia as a threat and a rival. The reasons of such perception are primarily the Alliance’s claims to play the role of a “guardian” of global peace, attempts to interfere in the area recognized by Russia as her sphere of influence, strengthening the position of NATO in Eastern Europe and project of development new defence technologies such as missile defence. Since the 90s Russia consistently has been trying to undermine the importance of NATO and to put it into the frame of international structures of security governance. In 2010 minister Sergey Lavrov argued that NATO is a relic of a bygone era and should be subjugated to the principles of the UN Security Council.
3

Sprawozdanie z konferencji nt. "Biznes rosyjski w Polsce - partnerstwo czy wyzwanie?" (13 marca 2013 r.)

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Lisiakiewicz R.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2013
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issue 911
89-93
EN
The perception of Russian business in Poland is subject to a number of non-economic factors. It is a specific mixture of stereotypes, mistrust, and fear on top of the real problems that occur in communication between different cultural circles and different interests. The conference, held at the Cracow University of Economics, was organised as a forum for entrepreneurs and experts to discuss issues in Polish-Russian business cooperation.
4

Polityka bezpieczeństwa Rosji za prezydentury Dmitrija Miedwiediewa a interesy Polski

100%
Lisiakiewicz R.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
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2012
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issue 894
25-39
EN
The article analyses the consequences of Russian security policy towards Poland during the presidency of Dmitry Medvedev. The author seeks answers to the following questions: what was the influence of the Russian proposals of the new European security architecture on the Polish position in international relations; what were the motives to improve Polish-Russian relations after 2007 (in terms of security); what were the consequences for Polish foreign policy of the so-called reset in USA-Russian relations?
5
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Russian economic nationalism and the vectors of Russian foreign policy

100%
Lisiakiewicz R.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
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2022
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issue 2(33)
109-130
RU
В этой статье автор хочет проверить влияние экономического национализма на изменения во внешней политике России. В своем анализе он обратится к неоклассическому реализму, который показывает, как сочетать вопросы распределения силы в международных отношениях с влиянием внутреннего уровня государства на формирование внешней политики. С точки зрения неоклассического реализма, экономический национализм это переменная, которая формирует восприятие экономических вызовов, с которыми сталкивается Россия. Автор показывает также, что экономический национализм связан с протекционистской политикой Российской Федерации. Таким образом, он влияет на формирование процессов внутри страны и за ее пределами. Автор признает, что в процессе формирования российских внешнеполитических решений экономический национализм должен быть cвязан с другими факторами, прежде всего с вопросами безопасности и общей стратегической культурой России, чтобы получить окончательный набор предпосылок, определяющих сдвиги России во внешней политике. Напряженность, связанная с ролью ЕС и НАТО в странах Восточной Европы, явно повлияла на уровень сотрудничества между Россией и Западом. Тем не менее экономические вопросы в этом отношении также были крайне важны. Силовое положение России основывалось на экономическом потенциале.
EN
In this article, the author wants to test the impact of economic nationalism on the change in Russia’s foreign policy. The author will refer to neoclassical realism, which shows how to combine the issues of power distribution in international relations with the influence of the domestic level of the state on the process of creation of the foreign policy. In terms of neoclassical realism, economic nationalism is a variable that shapes the perception of the economic challenges facing Russia. The author also points out that economic nationalism is also related to the protectionist policy of the Russian Federation. Thus, it influences the shaping of processes within and outside the country. The author recognizes that in the process of creating the Russian foreign policy decisions, economic nationalism should be linked to other factors, especially security issues and Russia’s general strategic culture, in order to obtain the final set of premises that will determine Russia’s shifts in foreign policy. The tensions related to the role of the EU and NATO in the countries of Eastern Europe clearly influenced the level of cooperation between Russia and the West. Nevertheless, economic issues in this regard were also extremely important. Russia’s power position was based on the economic potential.
6
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Uwarunkowania międzynarodowe rozwoju sektora IT na Białorusi a przyczyny emigracji informatyków białoruskich w latach 2020–2021

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Lisiakiewicz R.
Nowa Polityka Wschodnia
|
2023
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issue 2(37)
165-191
RU
Целью статьей является указание актуальных факторов, формирующих экономические миграции, с позиций исследований теории международных отношений. В статье анализируется переломной период иммиграции айтишников из Беларуси, т.е. второя половина 2020 г. и первая половина 2021 г. С точки зрения теории международных отношений следует обратить внимание на два уровня в исследованиях по вопросу экономического сотрудничества: внутренний и международный. В статье автор укажет на связь миграции с международными и политическими условиями развития ИТ-сектора в Беларуси. Выдвинутая автором исследовательская гипотеза указывает на связь причин миграции с экономическими и политическими условиями, сложившимися в Беларуси в XXI веке. Авторитарные системы, по мнению автора, могут благоприятствовать экономическому развитию и создавать условия для ведения бизнеса определенным образом, но безопасность самой такой деятельности ограничена.
EN
The aim of the article is to indicate the relevant factors shaping economic migrations from the perspective of the theory of international relations. The article concerns a crucial period for the immigration of IT workers from Belarus, i.e. the second half of 2020 and the first half of 2021. From the point of view of the theory of international relations, it should pay attention to two levels in research on the issues of economic cooperation: domestic and international one. In the article, the author will point out the link between migration and the international and political conditions of the development of the IT sector in Belarus. The research hypothesis put forward by the author is related to the link between the causes of migration and the economic and political conditions that developed in Belarus in the 21st century. Authoritarian systems, according to the author, may favor economic development and create conditions for running a business in a specific way, but the security of such activity itself is limited.
7

Polityka bezpieczenstwa Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Zachodu w nowym wydaniu w okresie prezydentury D. Miedwiediewa – zarys problematyki

100%
Lisiakiewicz R.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
|
2012
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issue 882
131-144
EN
After the NATO–Russia summit in Lisbon in 2010, political leaders announced a new era of relations between Moscow and the Alliance. In Lisbon it was decided to invite Russia to participate in the construction of a missile defence system. Dmitri Medvedev stated that this decision opened a door to talks between the West and Russia. Less than two and half years ago it seemed that Russia and NATO had fallen back into cold war era relations. What has changed since that time between Moscow and the Alliance? Can a major breakthrough and warming in Moscow–NATO relations now be declared? This paper analyses the main aspects of security policy Medvedev addressed to the West. The key point of Russia’s security proposals is to build a new pan-European security architecture. An attempt is also made to answer the question of the motives that led Moscow to again approach the West.
8

Wizja państwa polskiego w programach politycznych Samoobrony RP

100%
Lisiakiewicz R.
Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie
|
2014
|
issue 7(931)
41-58
PL
Samoobrona RP jako partia polityczna przez wiele lat była fenomenem na polskiej scenie politycznej. Okres jej świetności przypada na pierwsze lata XXI w. W wyborach w 2007 r. partia poniosła klęskę i straciła reprezentację w parlamencie. Tym niemniej do tego momentu była formacją, która zdobyła znaczące poparcie społeczne, a nawet weszła do rządu. Artykuł przedstawia wizje organizacji państwa polskiego propagowane przez Samoobronę. To właśnie te projekty zapewniały jej do pewnego okresu sukcesy polityczne. Populistyczny charakter programu Samoobrony był równocześnie jedną z przyczyn upadku tej partii.
EN
The Self-Defense Party of the Republic of Poland was for many years a phenomenon on the Polish political scene. Its hayday was in the first years of the twenty-first century. However, the party suffered electoral defeat in the 2007 elections and lost representation in parliament. Up to that point it had been able to attract significant public support, and even contributed to the make-up of the government. The article presents the vision of the Polish state propagated by the Self-Defense Party. It was that vision that helped it to a period of political successes. The populist nature of the Self-Defense programme was at the same time one of the reasons for the party’s collapse.
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