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„Afera XYZ” jako polityczny dylemat prezydenta Johna Adamsa w świetle relacji Johna Marshalla

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Daszyńska J. A., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2001

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vol. 70

PL

Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych

EN

So called "XYZ Affair" is not properly known in Polish historiography. This article is an attempt to show some controversial problems connected with it. Needless to say that the American-French relationship was nearly broken, especially after the Washington’s Declaration o f Neutrality, 1793. John Adams, as the second president of the USA was faced with the problems with revolutionary France. He was federalist, but he did not share the opinion of them, especially the High Federalists who wanted a war with France. On the contrary, he organized an extraordinary mission to this country to prevent the war. Up till now this mission is still a very controversial one. Firstly, he men who were to go to France (Charles C. Pinckney, Elbridge Gerry and John Marshall) seemed not to be those whom the Directory might accept. In America they were accepted neither by the Congress, nor by both secretaries of state and treasury. President Adams being aware of the negative opinions about such mission ought to presume that it would not be successful in France. Why then he decided to send those people is still an open question. The other question is connected with the persons known as ”X” ”Y” and ”Z”. The opinion that the Americans did not know them is false. On contrary, they not only knew those men by their names, but they often dined with them and frequently met together. Letters „XYZ” stood then for the really known names. Such a trick was created by Charles C. Pinckney to made the cipher, used in the diplomatic correspondence, not so complicated. Another question if the „XYZ” men were connected with Talleyrand is solved in Marshall’s letters. They unanimously gave us an answer that indeed those people were the men of Talleyrand. The question of a bribe for the Directory was strictly connected with the American relations with the Great Britain. The money given to France were equal with the conflict with Britain. And it was not in the interests of America, especially after Jay’s treaty, 1794. Stanley Elkins’ opinion that the Directory, and especially Talleyrand, were to clever to ask for a bribe is absolutely false, what was proved in this article. On April 3, 1798 president Adams informed Congress about the French demands. This gave the beginning of the affair known as „XYZ” Affair” . The anti-French alitude was very common, straighten by the press. The state of so called „Quasi War” with France forced president Adams to declare Alien and Sedition Acts. Such acts were very unpopular, and in fact, they weakened the Federalist Party. Adams lost his presidential campaign and was defeated by the Republican - Thomas Jefferson.

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Od „Junto” do uniwersytetu - starania Benjamina Franklina o rozwój intelektualny społeczeństwa Pensylwanii (1727-1754)

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Daszyńska J. A., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1996

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vol. 57

FR

Benjamin franklin (1706-1790) est connu comme homme politique, diplomate, scientifique et chercheur. A partir de l’age de 17 ans sa vie était liée à la Pensylvanie. Déjà en tant qu imprimeur débutant il s’avérait particulièrement soucieux du niveau intellectuel des habitants de cette colonie prospère des Quakers. Il commença par la création du club de discussion „Junto (1727) lequel prit après le nom de la Société Philosophique Américaine (1743) regrouppanl également d’éminents scientifiques européens. Franklin fonda en 1731 la première bibliothèque publique en Amérique coloniale. En même temps il était éditeur et rédacteur des journeaux. Il devint particulièrement célébré dans le monde entier grace aux calendriers The Poor Richard Almanac (1732-1757). Tout de même son plus grand succès (il était déjà chef postier de Philadelphie et membre de l’Asscmbléc de la Pensylvanie) c’était la création de l ’Académie de la Pensylvanie (1751) qui prit le nom de l’Université de Philadelphie en 1754. Cela s’avéra particulièrement important car jusqu’à ce temps la colonie ne disposait d’aucune grande école. L’Université de Franklin était moderne. C’était une école laïque laquelle introduisait les matières nouvelles telles que la philosophie naturelle ou la politique. Les démarches de Franklin furent acceptées par la société qui mil en oeuvre les modèles de personnalité incarnés par Franklin.

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Konformizm polityczny Benjamina Franklina w latach 1764-1766

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Daszyńska J. A., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1999

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vol. 64

EN

Benjamin Franklin as an agent of Pensylvania came back to England in 1764 (his first mission there was during the years 1757-1762). But it was the quite different country after the end of the Seven Years War. The war debts and other financial troubles pushed England to seek new sources of getting money. Following the advices of Lord Grenville, the Parliament imposed new taxes upon the American colonies. Those duties known as the Sugar Act and the Stamp Act involved great discontents in America. For the first time the taxes were put as general and the Parliament stood as a supreme legislature power for all the Empire. B. Franklin, opposite to the other colonial agents, did not see any wrong in such taxes. According to the Grenville’s suggestion, that the Americans can get the stamp money by themselves, he pointed out his friend John Hughes as a stamp collector. He also encouraged his friends to pay the taxes. He did not or he did not want to see the growing colonial resistance towards the Stamp Act. Franklin did not want to estrange the British politics from him, because he planned the change of government in Pennsylvania from the private to the royal one. Such was the aim of his mission. That might be also the reason why he supported the tax. The public opinion both in colonies and in England was against the Stamp Act. The British merchants started to loose their economic position and the income from the tax was less than it was planned before it came into live. The colonies protested against that measure. Those, who supported it were personally attacked, their houses were damaged (including the Franklin’s new house). They were accused to betray the interest of the colonies. Sometimes they were even killed. The colonial leaders gathered in so called Stamp Act Congress (Oct.7.1765) stated that Parliament has no right to tax the colonies because they had their own representative bodies. James Otis cried: „no taxation without the representation”. As a result, the Stamp Act Congress sent the resolution to the King to repeal the Stamp Act. The nonimportant agreement was announced as well. So, after the pressue of public opinion, B. Franklin very slowly had started to change his attitude towards that tax. Although he did not accept the decision of the Congress he wished the measure to be postponed for a year. He also suggested, that the only solution was the wisdom of the leaders, but not a strenght. In late autumn of 1765 Franklin’s articles to the English press, though not signed by his name, showed the conflict from the American point of view. Franklin started to defend the Americans in their efforts to repeal the Stamp Act. However he constantly maintained the firm loyality to the Crown. From the begining of 1766 Franklin’s articles were more radical. He thought the Stamp Act as the most grevious and oppresive tax ever imposed. He also neglected the rights of the British Parliament to tax the colonies. Such opinions he presented during the examination before the Committee of the Whole of the House of Commons, Feb.13. He defended the colonial rights and neglected the supreme authority of Parliament all over the colonies. The examination was published both in England and in America, it was also translated into many languages. After that Franklin regained his lost reputation and was known as a hero, who’s great efforts made the Stamp Act repealed.

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Z życia Johna Marshalla - zagadki autobiografii

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Daszyńska J. A., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2002

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vol. 1

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issue 2

EN

John Marshall is known as the Great Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court. His famous opinions to such cases, as Marbury v. Madison (1803), Fletcher v. Peck (1810), Mc Culloch v. Maryland (1819), Cohens v. Virginia (1821) or Gibbons v. Ogden (1824) shaped constitutional law and greatly developed the future course of American history. His federal judiciary power strengthened the national supremacy and federalism. The early life of Marshall was less known to the contemporaries, though it was full of events. He described only selected parts of it in the short letter to his friend Joseph Story in 1827. The earlier letter of the same character was written as an answer to the editor Joseph Delaplaine, who asked him to describe his life. But unfortunately both of those letters were lost. The earlier letter was found long after Marshall's death in 1848. The letter to judge Story was found at the beginning of XXc. It might be thought as an autobiography of John Marshall, but in fact, it is only an autobiographical sketch. This sketch is well prepared, but it gave no real picture of Marshall's life. There are still many questions and doubts for it. Was he only so modest? Not at all. The reader got just that, what Marshall himself wanted to present. He created his image as good citizen, good lawyer, and first of all the ardent Federalist, who fought for the ratification of the constitution of 1787. He also supported the unpopular Jay's Treaty with England, 1794, and was sent to France to stop the Quasi War and to prevent the real one. So called XYZ Affair, as a result of that mission brought him great popularity, and he was described as a national hero. In 1801 he was nominated as a Chiej Justice of the Supreme Court and started his great judicial career. The events after that were no mentioned in his autobiographical sketch.

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Niewolnictwo – trudny problem Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki

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Daszyńska J. A., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

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2016

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vol. 22

EN

Slavery is believed to have left an imprint on the American democracy. Although no regulations treating of that issue could be found in the Federal Constitution, it still existed. The problem of slavery could be easily approached while annexing free states and territories. The crisis in Missouri made it even more intensified. The Northern states, where slavery did not exist, proposed their Southern neighbors to start the gradual emancipation of slaves. Despite the fact that Ohio wanted to introduce such a change in 1824, the states where slavery was present, like South Carolina or Georgia, claimed slavery to play crucial role in their functioning. The society of the North was conservative and decided to be strict towards slaves to avoid further rebellions. Nonetheless, the discussions on the prohibition of slavery in Columbia district, which was a federation, were brought up for till 1837 and came to an end together with the introduction of so-called gag rules. American Colonization Society, which tried to evacuate slaves form the USA, can be claimed to play crucial role in the process of abolitionism in the country. The Liberator – a magazine raising strong objections concerning slavery, contributed to the radicalization of the Southern attitude towards slaves. It brought about next revolts of the enslaved part of the population. Revolts which together with time were becoming more violent. The Northern states did not help Southerners to solve the problem of slavery for whom slaves were of the fundamental economic importance. As a consequence, the North and the South started standing in the opposition to each other, with slavery being one of the numerous reasons for it.

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Dlaczego powinniśmy pamiętać o Operacji Łódzkiej?

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Daszyńska J. A.

Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne

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2015

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vol. 24

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issue 2

7-26

EN

This article has been written in order to remember and tell us about the forgotten history from the First World War related to the city of Łódź, which is often referred to as the Battle of Łódź. Let us remember that Poles who were killed were fighting in opposing armies in foreign uniforms. They contributed to the fact that Poland gained her independence. Traces of Polish surnames can be seen in many graveyards from the period of Łódź Operation. It is important what this battle is called. The battles which took place around Łódź in autumn and winter 1914 are often called: the battle of Łódź, the battle for Łódź, Łódź Slaughter or Łódź Operation. Those names are written with capital or small letters, in inverted commas or not, sometimes written in italics. However the name Łódź Operation seems to be the most correct one, as it consisted of many battles and skirmishes, there were army transfers, attacks and defensive fights. Historians unanimously say that it was the biggest maneuver operation of the Eastern Front in the First World War. Łódź, a city abandoned by Russian authorities, faced all the consequences of war actions which then took place. The city survived the war time and equally difficult period of German occupation and on 11 November 1918 witnessed proudly the appearance of white and red flags.

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„Afera XYZ” jako polityczny dylemat prezydenta Johna Adamsa w świetle relacji Johna Marshalla

Od „Junto” do uniwersytetu - starania Benjamina Franklina o rozwój intelektualny społeczeństwa Pensylwanii (1727-1754)

Konformizm polityczny Benjamina Franklina w latach 1764-1766

Z życia Johna Marshalla - zagadki autobiografii

Niewolnictwo – trudny problem Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki

Dlaczego powinniśmy pamiętać o Operacji Łódzkiej?