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Problematyka prawa wyborczego do ciał przedstawicielskich w pracach ustrojowych Sejmu II kadencji w okresie od 31 października 1928 r. do 6 lutego 1929 r.

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Kacperski K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 1(126)
63-82
EN
The process of changing the Constitution of March 17, 1921 was launched in the Sejm of the 2nd term on 31 October 1928. On that day, Walery Sławek, president of the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR), proposed that the Board adopted a resolution to initiate the revision of the basic law. This issue has become the subject of the debate, first, at the Constitutional Committee (November–December 1928) and, then, in the plenary session of the Sejm (January 1929). During this period, the Deputies discussed and voted the procedures for the intended reform of the system of government. The decisions taken have acted as a catalyst for further legislative work. As a consequence, on 6 February 1929., BBWR submitted to the Sejm a draft revision of the March Constitution. The solutions contained therein, even if important, did not affect the basic mechanisms of creation of the Sejm and the Senate. Their scope and extent were limited, and the changes proposed point by point. The criticized principle of equal suffrage has not been deconstitutionalized. The concept of completing the composition of the Senate with the President’s appointees increased the ability to influence the functioning of parliament by the executive branch. However, in the face of radical proposals formulated by the Sanacja in the summer of 1928, it only partly realized the expectations then articulated. This fact confirms the assumption that the rationalization of the system of elections to representative bodies, as opposed to the issue of strengthening political institutions forming the executive, has not been a BBWR’s priority.
2
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Narodowy Komitet Wyborczy Stronnictw Demokratycznych w wyborach do Sejmu ustawodawczego (grudzień 1918 r. – styczeń 1919 r.)

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Kacperski K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2013
|
issue 1(114)
77-93
EN
The National Electoral Committee of Democratic Parties was created in December 1918. It gathered together parties and communities of nationalist, conservative and Christian Democratic character. The election campaign for the Constituent Sejm, carried out by the candidates of the bloc, was dominated by two topics. The first concerned a loss of the independence by Poland as a result of instilling Bolshevik values in Polish society. The second was concentrated on an alleged subversive activity of the Jewish minority, against the newly re-established state. Arguments of this kind, with the lack of political culture and owing to agitation by some Catholic clergy in support of the National Electoral Committee of Democratic Parties, convinced the voters. The number of seats won on 26th January 1919 did not allow the representatives of the ideological camp to form a government. However, it enabled them to obstruct the initiatives of the left-wing parties in parliament. It was also a good omen for the future, for the next stages of the election to the House were planned to be carried out in constituencies supporting National Democrats and their allies.
3
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Koncepcje reformy systemu wyborczego do Sejmu i Senatu w świetle rozważań ustrojowych obozu sanacyjnego (marzec – wrzesień 1928 r.)

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Kacperski K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2014
|
issue 2(121)
41-58
EN
The debate on rationality of the March Constitution 1921 was an important component of public debate conducted in Poland in the second half of the 1990s. Pilsudski’s supporters considered its systemic solutions as a basic factor of the institutional crisis faced by Poland. Hence, any political activities the Non-Party Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR), including campaign for elections to the Sejm and Senate of the second term of offi ce were conducted under the slogan of the revision of the basic law. The fi rst initiative in this regard was taken by the Sanacja in May 1928 when Walery Sławek wrote out a survey, the purpose of which was to exchange views within the ruling bloc on basic constitutional issues. Two months later a conference took place for conclusive deliberations. The participants expressed their belief in the need to amend the provisions of the Constitution, including the mechanisms of creation of the Sejm and the Senate. However, each of the groups forming BBWR approached to these issues according to their own, often mutually exclusive, concepts. Efforts by Pilsudski’s supporters in early autumn 1928, also did not lead to a coherent proposal for the revision of the constitution. Divergent results of the constitutional consultation therefore proved that the leadership of BBWR in this period did not have a crystallized vision of the changes in the constitution. It could only indicate their preferred direction for transformation of the legal system.
4
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Ostatnie proby nowelizacji prawa wyborczego do parlamentu w pracach Komisji Konstytucyjnej Sejmu I kedencji 1922-1927

100%
Kacperski K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2012
|
issue 1(108)
71-80
EN
After the May coup d’état of 1926, the modification of the system of parliamentary elections has become a subject of public debate in the Second Republic, as well as an important element of political dispute in the last year of the Sejm of the first term of office.. The acts governing parliamentary elections, in force since 1922, aroused widespread criticism, except for the left-wing and national minority parliamentary groups. However, between February and September 1927 it has not led to any effective action enabling an evolution of legal norms governing the operation of that element of the constitutional system. The centre left members of the Constitutional Committee were so convinced of their infallibility that even an obvious need for conciliation, to rationalize mechanisms contained in electoral laws, has not compelled them to abandon their most controversial concepts. The members of parliamentary left also have not had a vision, and the slogans of defence of parliamentarism they articulated (in the form applied before May 1926) did not provide adequate justification for their decisions. Therefore, they – together with representatives of national minorities – took an uncompromising stance, leaving no room even for a slight compromise. Bearing in mind these considerations, it is worth noting the position of the Pilsudski’s camp on this issue. Since spring 1926, Prime Minister Kazimierz Bartel has repeatedly raised the issue of electoral reform, but these declarations were not accompanied by real action in parliament. Despite the favourable atmosphere, senators did not submit their own draft of electoral law, nor did they support submissions by the centre-right. Their actions were limited to verbal declarations. It may be assumed with some degree of certainty that this was because, under the regime established in the May coup d’état, the elections were deprived of the function of alternation of power, but had to serve as a means of spreading ideological slogans by the government camp. These actions were not caused by a desire for social acceptance. On the contrary, they only reflected the exercise of control over the general public. It was intended to test public sentiments during the election. However, it was not planned to create state authorities endowed with legitimacy.
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