The study maps in detail the election results of the joint election list of candidates of both opposition and negativistic Hungarian minority political parties, the Land Christian-Socialist Party (Országos Keresztény Szocialista Párt; OKSzP) and the Hungarian National Party (Magyar Nemzeti Párt; MNP) in the parliamentary election held in May of 1935. The fourth parliamentary election held in 1935 constituted the last election for the Chamber of Deputies and for the Senate of the National Assembly of the First Czechoslovak Republic. The election presaged the turbulent development in the oncoming period that became a crisis period and, at the same time, a fatal period for the First Czechoslovak Republic. The results of the parliamentary election of 1935 brought considerable surprise. The opposition and, above all, negativistic Sudeten German Party (Sudetendeutsche Partei; SdP) became the general winner of the parliamentary election at national level, both in the election for the Chamber of Deputies and in the election for the Senate. The election results of both opposition and negativistic Hungarian minority political parties did not markedly differ from their election results achieved in the preceding election held in 1929. Additionally, both Hungarian parties achieved one mandate less in the Parliament, with 14 mandates in total, but 15 candidates elected from their list of candidates went to the National Assembly, similarly to 1929. Both Hungarian parties had participated in the election of 1935 in coalition together with smaller political subjects of the German minority: with the Union of Germans Settled in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia (Einheit des Bodenständigen Deutschtums in Slovensko und Podkarpatská Rus) and with the Sudeten German Election Bloc (Sudetendeutscher Wahlblock; SdW). That was also a reason for which the election of 1935 allowed voting for the joint list of candidates of OKSzP and MNP also in the electoral regions in the historical countries, i.e. in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. One Senate mandate was achieved by a candidate of the Sudeten German Election bloc, SdW, in the electoral region of Brno. But the parliamentary representation of both political parties of the Hungarian minority, as compared to the political parties of the German minority, was virtually negligible – the Hungarian parties achieved 3% mandates in total and in the Senate, 3,3% mandates.
The study focuses, in the context of the position of Carpathian Ruthenia in the political system of the First Czechoslovak Republic, on the issue of the parliamentary elections, specifically on the representation of Carpathian Ruthenia in the Czechoslovak National Assembly. Within the issue of the parliamentary election, it highlights particularly the uneven limitations of the rules for election to the National Assembly for Carpathian Ruthenia, putting at disadvantage the easternmost tip of interwar Czechoslovakia in the central legislative body of the country. From the perspective of the political situation, it also summarizes the political stratification of the voters of the easternmost tip of the Czechoslovak Republic of that time, from the perspective of the Carpathian-Ruthenian results of the four parliamentary elections of the First Republic.
The study summarizes the issue of adaptation of the right to vote in interwar Hungary at the occasion of the second Parliamentary election of 1922 by the government of Count István Bethlen in favor of the United Party (Egységes Párt) established by him. The study analyzes the issue of adaptation of the right to vote from autumn 1919 that was standardized in the end only at the level of a government decree and not by a law passed by the National Assembly even in 1922. The adopted new rules of the right to vote are summarized in comparison with the right to vote from November 1919 that was passed under the so called Concentration Cabinet of Károly Huszár but they had been defined under István Friedrich’s government administration already. The form of the pre-election political scene of Hungary at the beginning of 1922 is summarized as well. The election results are described in detail by individual parties or political directions and the description of the social composition of the second postwar Hungarian National Assembly, again in comparison with the first term of office of the temporary legislative assembly of so called Horthyan Hungary is included, too.
The second part of the study goes into details of the attitude of Hungarian minority parties, namely the Provincial Christian Democratic Party (Országos Keresztény Szocialista Párt; OKSzP) and the Hungarian National Party (Magyar Nemzeti Párt; MNP), to the election of President Masaryk’s successor in December 1935. Much attention is paid to the important closing meeting of thein leaders on the eve of the election, i.e., 17th December 1935, which resulted in a joint declaration in support of the Presidential Nominee Edvard Beneš, Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time. The second part of the study recapitulates in detail the final meetings of the leading Hungarian minority politicians and tries to answer as precisely as possible the question whether really all OKSzP and MNP legislators complied in the Vladislaus Hall of the Prague Castle on 18th December 1935 with the communique adopted on its eve 17 December 1935 by the joint Parliament clubs and voted at the election session for Beneš.
On 18th December, 1935 Foreign Minister Edvard Beneš was elected by an overwhelming majority of MPs and senators to become the second President of the Czechoslovak Republic. Beneš’s candidacy for President was supported by the legislators, members of all Czechoslovak parties, i.e., the Agrarian Party, Social Democratic Party, National Socialist Party, People’s Party, Hlinka’s Slovakian People’s Party, as well as by the political tradesmen and Communists. Beneš’s candidacy for President was also supported by the MPs and senators of the German “activist” parties, namely the German Social Democratic Party, the German Christian Social Party and the German Agrarian Party. For the first time ever in the Presidential election in the Czechoslovak Republic also legislators-members of the Hungarian minority political parties took an “activist” position, although during the previous Presidential elections they had expressed their negativist attitude to the state’s constitutional system by abstaining from voting, i.e., by returning blank ballots. Their position during the Presidential election was supposed to be uniform, as proved by a public declaration of their representatives. A negativist position during the election was only shown by the MPs and senators representing Henlein’s Sudetengerman Party and Kramář’s National Unification Party. The constructive position of the Hungarian minority political parties at the Presidential election was appreciated also by the new President after the election, who through his secretary thanked the Hungarian parties for their “knightly behavior, sincerity and straightforward position before and during the Presidential election”.
The goal of the study is to summarize shortly the complicated situation of persons of German and Hungarian nationality in Czechoslovakia after World War II on the background of their legislatively set general work obligation. An overwhelming majority of Czechoslovak Germans and Hungarians lost their citizenship due to government measures, losing all their civil, property, social and national rights by it. The study summarizes the basic legislative measures of the Czechoslovak government from 1945 and 1946 concerning persons without citizenship, in this case members of the German and Hungarian minorities who were markedly restricted also in labour-law area. It outlines the issue of forced work obligation of such persons, paying attention particularly to the mass transfer of Hungarians from Slovakia to Bohemia in the capacity as farm workers. The source base of the study consists of legislative documents from the Collection of Acts and Decrees and selected documents from the General Archive of the Czech and Moravian Confederation Trade Unions. The restrictive measures in labour-law area had stronger impact on the Czechoslovak Hungarians whose destiny had not been decided in 1945 and 1946 yet, while most Germans concerned by the restrictive measures in labour-law area were gradually displaced in 1945 and particularly in 1946, so that the Germans had to deal with the burden of the labour-law restriction and forced labour according to the needs of the state only temporarily. In connection with the transfer of the Germans, Czechoslovakia had to deal with growing absence of labour in the labour market, trying to solve it also by acquiring labour from abroad, for example by unsuccessful recruitment of Italian workers.
On 1 August 1919, the “soviet” government of the Hungarian Republic of Councils was substituted by standard civic cabinet consisting of opposition trade union leaders (so called Gyula Peidl’s trade union cabinet) again. But its life was not long; it was in power only six days. The position of the cabinet was made difficult by the sluggishness of the Paris Peace Conference that did not want to recognize promptly the new Budapest Government and waited for its first steps. But the Entente Powers underestimated their ally, Rumania that made use of the chaotic situation in the country and occupied the capital of Hungary with its army during a few days, in spite of the disapproval of the Entente Powers of further military operations of the Rumanian units in Hungary after the fall of “Kun’s” regime. The insufficient foreign-political support of Peidl’s government, together with the chaotic internal situation in the country, multiplied with the military presence of the Rumanian army in the country, decapitated the post-soviet government finally on 6 August 1919.
The study deals with the legislative rules for the state-bound sugar industry in the Czechoslovak Republic in early 1920s. During 1918–1921, the sugar industry was stabilized under the direction of the Czechoslovak Sugar Commission that was gradually increasingly dominated and controlled by the government. The said Commission gradually started absolutely controlling all sugar production with the help of government decrees. Specific legislative measures are analyzed from the perspective of statistical indicators of that time. Although the given immediate period is related with regulated economy, the legal regulations were more liberal in some matters than those existing before the establishment of the independent Czechoslovak state. The efforts of that time resulted in a relatively fast stabilization of postwar sugar industry, bringing considerable profit to the state. In the short period, it was an efficient way of solution of the given issue both for the new territorial unit and, in a sense, for the consumers too.
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