Since 1997 the EU Technology Information and Advisory Service is dealing with information dissemination on R&D programmes of EU, promotion of exploitation of R&D results and transborder technology transfer. The main fields of activitiy are the innovation transfer, promotion of application of energy efficiency methods and renewable energy sources in buildings, as well as providing information and advice to promote the Hungarian participation in the EU Sixth R&D Framework Programme.
The regulation at the european level is very important for the European Commission and the member states. The Commission has a particularly important role. It has the right to initiate draft directives, which will be codified by the Council and the European Parliament. There are extensive consulting mechanisms that dominate the financial sector, especially from the consumer groups or non-governmental organizations. Also, ECOFIN sessions are very important meetings, as they ultimately decide to adopt directives that can contribute to better reforms of the financial regulation. These reform processes also include the establishment of new directives on financial markets dealing with the elimination of inadequate regulation of credit rating agencies and very low capital requirements. In context of this, the civil society should evaluate where its own resources are to be invested within the European Community. It needs to be constantly monitored and, in particular, mobilized towards solving inefficient and fragmented mechanisms resulting from the financial regulation. The focus on the discovery of lobbies in the financial sector and on specific financial issues can be considered as an inevitable interest of developing countries in order to create more sustainable and equitable financial system at all levels.
The fact that, since 1 May 2004, Poland has the status of European Union member involves certain consequences for Poland's competitiveness in the international services trade market. What competitive position will Poland finally occupy among the EU countries in the postaccession period will to a large extent depend on Poland's present position in the services trade with the EU countries. So, the paper tries to present, on the basis of the most recent available statistical data published by the OECD and Eurostat, the size and structure of Poland's services trade with the EU countries during the preaccession period and, basing on these data, analyzes the degree of Poland's competitiveness in the services trade with the EU countries in the years preceding Poland's accession to this integration group. In the paper, the size and structure of the export and import of services between Poland and the European Union as a whole as well as between Poland and individual EU countries are presented and the service sectors are identified in which Poland enjoys a comparative advantage and those in which there is no such advantage. Also, kinds of services are identified in which some EU countries specialize and, consequently, are Poland's competitors. The paper also deals with the phenomenon of the intrabranch trade as a kind of international exchange alternative to the interbranch trade, that in a particular way refers to the turnover of services.
The objectives of the article include, firstly, identifying determinants of the capital needs of agriculture (at various levels), and secondly, an attempt to assess the feasibility of using repayable instruments for agricultural development in EU countries. A situation of the commodity agriculture in EU countries was depicted. A comparative assessment of current implementations of financial instruments in Latvia, Bulgaria and Romania was presented. While utilisation of repayable instruments may bring various benefits, the limitations of institutional and micro-economic considerations should be taken into account.
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Cele artykułu obejmują zidentyfikowanie determinant potrzeb kapitałowych rolnictwa (na różnych poziomach) oraz próbę oceny możliwości wykorzystania instrumentów zwrotnych do rozwoju rolnictwa w krajach UE. Dokonano też ogólnej charakterystyki sytuacji rolnictwa towarowego w krajach UE i oceny porównawczej dotychczasowych wdrożeń instrumentów finansowych na Łotwie, w Bułgarii i Rumunii. Choć wykorzystanie instrumentów zwrotnych może przynieść wiele korzyści (finansowych czy efektu rewolwingowego), to należy uwzględnić ich ograniczenia, rozpatrywane na płaszczyźnie instytucjonalnej i mikroekonomicznej.
The issue of access to information and documents concerning the functioning of European Union institutions is extensive and complex. It encompasses all activities to promote or pro- vide citizens with information on the operation of European Union institutions, and in particu- lar the access to European Union materials, which is regulated by numerous separate provisions. The most important ones involve the principles behind the publishing of EU mate- rials and legal regulations on access to documents that have not been published and those sent to the archives. Consequently, there are separate regulations on information policy and the right to access documents. The author counterpoints the legal foundations for access to EU documents with the practical execution of this right and fulfillment of the provisions of EU in- formation policy.
‘Europeanization’ is a term widely used yet hard to define, and applying existing definitions to the new EU member states poses challenges. In the context of political parties and party change, identifying direct and indirect impacts of Europeanization is complicated by the strong effects of EU conditionality. A new framework for defining Europeanization may include re-examining how parties in new member states relate to the EU as a political and economic project. The EU may affect not merely organisational structures and programmes of parties, but also the shape of the party system itself. Where accession proved problematic, as in the Slovak case, development of complex EU-related policies may be impeded, with parties less concerned with uploading policy preferences. A better understanding the nature of party politics in Central and Eastern Europe will facilitate research about how they have been Europeanized.
Mixed agreements, together with those concluded within the exclusive competence of the EU belong to major instruments of the EU external relations. Mixed agreements are typical for the EU treaty practice. Therefore, it is hardly possible to find them in another division of law. Respecting that, the article focuses on mixed agreements as a phenomenon of the EU Law. The aim of the article is to analyse EU Law regulation of mixed agreements. At the same time, the article focuses on theoretical aspects of mixed agreements in the second part. Based on that, in the first part the article provides analysis of the primary law rules and jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the EU. Aim of this part is to examine quality of regulation of mixed agreements in the EU Law and point out on its “weak parts”. The second part is rather theoretical. Here the article provides analysis of notion “mixed agreement” and, in particular on essential elements of this notion. To these essential elements of mixed agreements, the article includes “joint conclusion of mixed agreements”, “divided competence” and “common consent”. The analysis of the notion is followed by a classification of mixed agreements. This classification could be divided into two parts. First, provides information on existing views of theory, while the second one is focused on new criteria for division of mixed agreements.
Changes in the international situation after 1989 required a change in the thinking of Europe as a group of cooperating countries which are able to secure a satisfactory level of security. Security that could be achieved by the use of EU’s soft power resources, which are: its culture, its values and conduct of foreign policy. Both popular culture and high culture confirms the position of the leading countries in Europe and is also developed through joint action. Europe’s power is also its efficient educational and management system, which determines the socioeconomic model. Another important aspect of Europe’s power is the socio-political factor with enormous range of civil liberties.
The paper contains an analysis of the evolution of the instrument of structural benefits in Poland, presents an assessment of the instrument's role in 2002-2007 and identifies factors that exert an influence on the farmers' interest in structural benefits. The analysis is based on the results of surveys conducted with the help of questionnaires by the Institute of Agricultural Economics and Food Economy - the State Research Institute (IERiGZ-PIB), which covered a sample of 3,705 family farms, and on the data collected by the Agency for the Restructuring and Modernisation of Agriculture (ARiMR) and by the Farmers' Social Insurance Fund (KRUS). For the purpose of evaluation of the role played by structural benefits the author has also examined relevant legal acts and national plans for the development of rural areas. Unlike the amount of financial means earmarked for structural benefits and unlike the so-called criteria of access for beneficiaries the principal goals of this agricultural policy instrument have not changed since the moment of its introduction. Following Poland's accession to the European Union the number of beneficiaries has grown considerably owing to the liberalization of legal regulations and increased budget. The analysis has revealed regional differences in the use of structural benefits by farmers.
The assessed document launches the debate on the future of EU finances. It is the last (5th) document concerning the issues raised in the White Paper on the Future of Europe [COM(2017)2025]. The authors evaluate the prior document rather positively due to challenges presented in it by the Commission and the five scenarios concerning the future of the Union and the reform of EU policies. An analysis of these scenarios indicates that the scenario no. 3 “Some do more” and the scenario no. 5 “Doing much more together” do not seem realistic, because the scenario no. 3 would lead to weakening of the EU and increase of bureaucracy, while Member States are not yet for ready for the scenario no. 5. With regard to Poland, the scenarios no. 2 “Doing less together” and no. 4 “Radical redesign” could be beneficial, but the advantages of the scenario no. 1 “Carrying on” should also be noticed.
Services, the staple of the modern economy, are subject to constant changes. These changes are contingent on economic processes that are the result of, inter alia, technological progress, intensifying globalisation processes and growing competitiveness. Increasingly important are specialised services, where staff with high qualifications are employed. Such services include dynamically developing knowledge-based ones. Their growth has been fostered by the increasing demand for modern services in the era of the development of a knowledge-based economy. This article focuses on the terminology related to modern services and seeks to answer questions about their role in the development of modern economies. The aim of the article is: (1) to identify modern services in the light of relevant literature; (2) to attempt to construct a model of the impact of those services on economic development; (3) to analyse the level of development of modern services in the EU member states, and (4) to empirically verify the model of the impact of the services on economic development in the EU member states. The empirical analysis was carried out with the application of statistical data from the Eurostat database.
The EU-Turkey relations date back to 1960s when the European project started. With the Ankara Agreement of 12 September 1963, Turkey became an Associate member of the European Economic Community which was then an economic organisation from which today’s EU emerged. The EU’s December 1997 sidelining of Turkey’s application for full membership turned the direction on 3 October 2005 and Turkey begin its accession negotiations with the EU. Since then there is still ongoing debate based on cultural, economic and political assessment whether Turkey will fit to be a member of the EU. From the perspective of the institutional norms of Copenhangen criteria, the EU could possibly embrace all countries, regardless of culture, religion and historical background. The EU’s uncompleted institutional structure gives rise some spatial, temporal and thematic scopes which introduce some new accession criteria such as European state, European identity, absorption capacity, open-ended process and approval of the member states which will make more complicated Turkey’s full membership bid to the EU. Despite Turkey’s institutional reforms which bring the country that much closer towards fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria and its dynacmic economy which makes Turkey as the second country that fits the Maastricht criteria in Europe, European politicians and citizens remain deeply divided on Turkey’s accession bid to the EU as a full member. As a consequence, the alternative accession proposals which depreciate the full membership of Turkey are argued by the EU’s core members. The purpose of this article is to answer the vague accession criteria, the different accession proposals towards Turkey and explain the new bargaining position of Turkey for its accession bid to the EU. The exclusion of Turkey from the EU’s enlargement process will be evaluated by different theoretical approaches which constitute the interplay of the liberal intergovernmentalism, historical institutionalism and path dependency process, rationalist approaches and sociological institutionalism.
As expressed in the EU-China 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation adopted in 2013, the European Union and the People’s Republic of China are committed to a comprehensive strategic partnership. The new nature of Chinese foreign policy under the leadership of Xi Jinping has caused new problems in European-Chinese relationships. The rise of China to a position of global superpower, symbolized by the Belt and Road Initiative, has changed the conditions for EU-China relations and created a necessity for Europe to revise its approach or even to profoundly change the way it perceives relations with Beijing.The goal of this article is to discuss EU policy towards China between 2013 and 2019 in the context of these new conditions and the changing perception of China in Europe. The rethinking process on the side of the EU was symbolized by describing China as a systemic rival in the strategic outlook presented by the European Commission in March 2019. The main research question is: how did public debate in Europe around the term systemic rival, and the change in perception of China it caused, correspond with the actual state of EU-China relationships on the level of political practice? The hypothesis, that the commotion caused by the use of the term systemic rival created a distorted impression of the current state of EU-China relations will be tested by analyzing specific cases of the operationalization of EU policy such as investment screening frameworks, European industrial policy and the major political EU-China visits and summits in 2019.
Fiscal governance is defined as a combination of institutions, rules and norms that structure good governance in the area of fiscal policy. It can be named as the specific mechanism of coordination by using of tools such as: budgetary procedures (legislative fiscal rules), fiscal rules (numerical) and independent fiscal institutions/ fiscal councils. Fiscal governance focuses on how the fiscal policy is planned, approved, conducted and monitored, including the involvement of not only public bodies, but the business sector and civil society too. In this study, particular attention was paid to capturing the essence of the relationship between the qualitative elements of fiscal councils activity and its impact on stabilizing the public finances in the view of fiscal governance concept. During the last world crisis in the EU countries, an interest in establishing fiscal councils has increased. Before 2008 there were only seven institutions in the EU, while in 2014 there are already 19. The question is - are these institutions efficient in stabilizing public finances? Therefore, the main objective of the article is the assessment of the role of the fiscal councils in the coordination of the fiscal policy in the EU Member States. The conducted analysis verifies this role on the basis of theoretical deliberation of the current state of the art. The empirical research verifies fiscal councils’ dependence on fiscal balance of EU countries. Research was conducted on the basis of the European Commission, Eurostat and International Monetary Fund data sets.
The authors deals with the health of the EU population. The health of the Slovak population has improved since 2000, but it still lags behind the EU average. Slovaks live longer, but differences in life expectancy by gender and socio-economic groups persist. In the Slovak health care system, care is provided to all residents, although access to it is limited in some regions and quality and efficiency can improve in many areas. Most Slovaks report good health, but there are differences according to income groups. About two thirds of the Slovak population report good health, a ratio similar to the EU average, but higher than in most neighboring countries. However, according to their own health assessment, there are differences in socio-economic status. The health of the Slovak population has improved since 2000, but it still lags behind the EU average. Slovaks live longer, but differences in life expectancy by gender and socio-economic groups persist. In the Slovak health care system, care is provided to all residents, although access to it is limited in some regions and quality and efficiency can improve in many areas.
According to the case law of the Court of Justice of the EU, every injured party has the right to compensation due to the abuse of participation in competition. Competition authorities cannot rule on private law claims arising from breaches of public competition law, as this jurisdiction lies exclusively with the national courts. Any infringement of competition law is undesirable because it is linked to interference with the competition system as a whole, as well as with an interference with the property sphere of the persons concerned. The author points to the development of private enforcement at EU level before the entry into force of the Private Enforcement Directive, discusses the development of the Court’s approach to claiming damages for breaches of competition law, the Private Enforcement Directive and the Competition Compensation Act.
This paper focuses on the public diplomacy (PD) practices of the EU-a supranational regional organisation confronted with two distinct challenges. First, the EU aims to reform its external action in order to become a global power and leader in the changing multipolar world. Second, it purports to fight the ongoing economic crisis that not only weakens the actual global capabilities of the EU, but damages its international image and reputation as a power and a leader. The paper assumes the potential of EU PD tools in meeting these challenges and tests this assumption in one case study of international public opinion on the EU in its immediate neighbourhood (Ukraine). Importantly, the study confronts an additional challenge: EU PD is described in the relevant literature to be a disjointed, under-resourced and overlooked policy area.
Flexicurity reflects the current basic trend of the EU in guaranteeing high employment levels and attainability of national fiscal systems. It was introduced in Denmark in the 1990s and significantly helped reduce unemployment levels. The Czech labour market, despite the transformation process, has still space for further improvement, especially in the time of economic slow-down. The best way is to try to apply elements and components which have been already successfully implemented in the other EU Member States. The aim of the paper is (based on the statistical indicators and official documents concerning labour markets topic) to describe the basic function of the model and find the components of the flexicurity model which could be used also in the Czech Republic and change labour market operation.
Indebtedness is undoubtedly one of the most significant economic problems in the countries of the EU. Despite the fact that the EU-28 have adopted criteria and measures that should regulate indebtedness, the majority of member states are not keeping up to these previously agreed rules. For many countries indebtedness has become a barrier to further development. The article’s aim is to provide an overview of the indebtedness of EU member states and to explore whether this indebtedness is linked to or even dependent on selected economic characteristics (GDP, unemployment rate and social benefits paid as a share of GDP). Data from the EU-28 countries, the Eurozone and the countries outside the Eurozone will be studied separately on the assumption that there will be differences between the countries in the Eurozone and those outside it. In the investigation of the issue only secondary data from the official statistics can be used. All the data are taken from Eurostat and then processed using the standard methods of descriptive statistics and correlation analysis. The analysis carried out showed that the average indebtedness of the EU-28 countries is higher than set by the EU criteria, and at the same time confirmed that there is a difference in debt levels between countries within and outside the Eurozone. The Eurozone countries show indebtedness that is overall higher than in countries outside the Eurozone, while at the same time they show a moderately strong linear dependence both between indebtedness and unemployment rates and between indebtedness and payments of social benefits. In the countries outside the Eurozone it was shown that while the relationship between indebtedness and the unemployment rate was weak that between indebtedness and the payment of social benefits was relatively strong.
This contribution examines the relationship between military expenditures and economic growth in 28 EU countries between 1993 and 2014. The paper aims to verify the first pioneering hypothesis which claims that there is a negative relationship between military expenditures and economic growth in relatively poorer countries and a positive relationship in relatively richer countries. A cluster analysis is used to divide the nations into individual groups. The Feder-Ram model and multiple regression analysis with modified variables are than estimated for all groups based on the cluster analysis. The findings of the regression analysis mainly verified the hypothesis and showed a significant positive relationship between defence spending and economic growth in the case of more resource- abundant countries and a significant negative relationship in the case of more resource-constrained countries. However, the Feder-Ram model showed statistically in significant effects of military expenditures on economic growth.
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