Search results

1

The State and Catholics in Vietnam

100%

Pietrasiak M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2024

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issue 2(53)

31-43

EN

The article falls within the political science of religion, a “transactional” perspective. A critical point at stake here is preserving the political system, which officially draws on socialist ideas, and Hochiminhism, which consists of the deferring of liberal democracy. A historical background of the emergence of Catholicism in Vietnam has been shown, which proves that Catholics operated under the shadow of anti-national and anti-patriotic accusations. This narrative was additionally strengthened during Indochina’s war when the ruling Communist Party required consolidation around nationalist and communist ideas. The change brought by the reform of Doi Moi, which on the first plan put up economic liberalization followed by greater tolerance and openness, but without changing the party system. Catholics enjoy greater freedom; they can also join the Communist Party, which, in return, expects stabilization and support for the political system. New forms of cooperation with religious groups have been developed. However, some of them are still criticized, including limitations related to the registration of religious groups and control by the state apparatus.

2

Rola Dyrektoriatu ds. Religijnych w tureckiej polityce zagranicznej

100%

Niemiec J.

Przegląd Religioznawczy

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2022

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issue 3/285

81-99

EN

The aim of this article is to present Directorate of Religious Aﬀairs (Diyanet) as a major political institution in contemporary Turkey. Established in 1924 to oversee mosques and supervise religious practice, Diyanet as a state organization was obliged to guard the republic’s secular identity. Although Turkey was ofcially declared a secular state in 1937, successive governments have granted Directorate new responsibilities, attempting to manage religion in accordance with their own political interests. In the early 1970s, Diyanet began operating in Western Europe where its local branches provided religious services to the Turkish diaspora. Two decades later, the institution expanded its inﬂuence to regions with which Turkey had historical and cultural ties (e.g. Balkans, Central Asia). After Justice and Development Party (tur. Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi − AKP) came to power in 2002, Diyanet has become one of the main instruments of its foreign policy by promoting Turkish version of moderate Islam abroad. In this context, the fundamental goal of Turkey is to achieve a status of leader among Muslim countries. At present, the almost unlimited budget of the Directorate and its global scope of activities testify to the institution’s importance for President Erdoğan and the AKP.

3

Polityka wyznaniowa w myśli austriackiej Partii Chrześcijańsko-Społecznej w latach 1918−1934

75%

Bukowczyk P.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2016

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vol. 21

35-51

EN

In the paper I present the vision of a relation between the state and religious denominations and the status of atheists and free-thinkers delineated in the political thought of the Christian Social Party (Christlichsoziale Partei), active in Austria-Hungary and the First Republic of Austria, Christian-democratic, after 1931 influenced by Italian fascism and inclining towards authoritarianism. I infer it from its propaganda materials (books, brochures, press articles, leaflets, posters) and legislation enacted under its governmentI also show the impact of the social, cultural and political context on the postulates of the Christian Social Party with regard to religious policy.

4

Perspektywy badawcze w politologii religii

75%

Potz M.

Studia Religiologica

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2019

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vol. 52

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issue 4

277-291

EN

The article presents political science of religion as an explanatory framework of the political role of religion, grounded in political science. It proceeds from the critique of the prevailing legal and theological approaches as being normatively overloaded and failing to grasp the actual impact of religion on power relations, to formulating metatheoretical/methodological postulates of the political science of religion as an empirical subdiscipline of social science. It then proposes a multilevel approach to the study of the political role of religion. It consists of three distinct – but integrated – theoretical perspectives: the economic or transactional approach, grounded in rational choice theory and economic theories of religion; the social movements theory (SMT) approach, looking at the internal assets, organization and dynamics of religious actors; and the cultural/humanistic approach, exploring evolutionary, psychological and sociological determinants behind individual propensity to religion-inspired political mobilization.

5

Empowerment through religion: religion’s survival strategies in democratic politics

71%

Potz M.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2016

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issue 4

93-106

PL

Utraciwszy status dominującej formuły legitymizacyjnej w świecie zachodnim, religia została też instytucjonalnie oddzielona od państwa i, w myśl ideologii liberalnej, zepchnięta na margines życia publicznego. Pomimo tych niesprzyjających okoliczności, religia – zarówno jako system idei i norm, jak i w wymiarze instytucjonalnym – zdołała obronić się przed marginalizacją, zapewniając sobie szczególny status wśród innych ideologii. W nauce objawia się to swego rodzaju metodologicznym agnostycyzmem, nakazującym traktować twierdzenia religijne jako niewspółmierne z naukowymi, a zatem niepodlegające krytyce. W polityce, organizacje religijne uzyskały w wielu państwach zachodnich szczególną pozycję, a wolność religijna została ukonstytuowana jako szczególny przypadek swobody wypowiedzi. W swej działalności politycznej organizacje religijne stosują zarówno metody identyczne z innymi aktorami politycznymi (lobbying, masowa mobilizacja itp.) – co nadaje im legitymację w ramach demokratycznych systemów politycznych – jak i specyficzne strategie religijne. Działania te są w artykule analizowane głównie na przykładach polskich i amerykańskich. Uzbrojone w takie narzędzia, religijne podmioty polityczne mogą wywierać znaczący wpływ na demokratyczne systemy polityczne.

EN

In contemporary Western world religion has long lost its status of a default legitimating formula and has been relegated, in liberal political philosophy, to the private sphere. Institutionally, religious organizations have been largely separated from government institutions. Despite these adverse circumstances, religion – both as a system of ideas, values and norms and in its institutional expression – has adopted effective survival strategies guarding it from social and political marginalization. Religion has been accorded special status among other ideologies. In science, it results in a sort of methodological agnosticism, which treats religious and scientific statements as belonging to two incommensurable spheres. In politics, religious organizations are often granted special legal status among other political actors and religious freedom has been constitutionalized as a special case of general freedom of expression. As judicature and political practice show, religious arguments can often trump non-religious claims when fundamental value conflicts arise. In their political activity, religious organizations have used strategies characteristic for other political actors (lobbying, mass mobilization etc.), thereby gaining democratic legitimacy, as well as unique, religion-specific strategies. Armed with these and other empowering tools, religion can continue to influence democratic political systems in significant ways.

6

Polityka na ambonie: czy agitacja polityczna w polskich kościołach jeszcze istnieje?

63%

Pieniężny D.

Świat Idei i Polityki

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2025

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vol. 24

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issue 1

147-158

EN

The aim of this article is to indicate the topicality of the phenomenon of political agitation in churches during the election campaign preceding the 2023 parliamentary election in Poland. In order to achieve it, the author’s survey was conducted on a group of adult Poles selected in a stratified-quota manner (N = 1069), which was then subjected to statistical analysis, which allowed to conduct considerations. The results of the analyses obtained made it possible to answer the following research questions: Q1: Is political agitation in Polish churches a common phenomenon? Q2: Which electoral committees could count on support from the pulpits of Polish churches? Q3: Which voters pay attention to election agitation in Polish churches? Conclusions from the analysis indicate that the phenomenon of political agitation in Polish churches is current and cannot be assessed as marginal. The grouping which is promoted to the greatest extent by the clergy is the Law and Justice party, while the indicated phenomenon is visible by the electorates of all major political parties in Poland.

PL

Celem artykułu jest wskazanie aktualności zjawiska agitacji politycznej w kościołach w okresie kampanii wyborczej poprzedzającej elekcję parlamentarną z 2023 r. w Polsce. Przeprowadzono autorskie badanie sondażowe na grupie dorosłych Polaków dobranych w sposób warstwowo-kwotowy (N = 1069), które następnie poddano analizie statystycznej, co pozwoliło na przeprowadzenie rozważań. Wyniki uzyskanych analiz pozwoliły odpowiedzieć na następujące pytania badawcze: Q1: Czy agitacja polityczna w polskich kościołach to zjawisko powszechne? Q2: Jakie komitety wyborcze mogły liczyć na poparcie z ambon polskich kościołów? Q3: Jacy wyborcy zwracają uwagę na agitację wyborczą w polskich kościołach? Wnioski płynące z przeprowadzonej analizy wskazują, że zjawisko agitacji politycznej w polskich kościołach jest aktualne i nie może zostać ocenione jako marginalne. Ugrupowaniem, które jest w największym stopniu promowane przez duchownych, jest Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, natomiast wskazane zjawisko dotyczy elektoratów wszystkich największych partii politycznych w Polsce.

7

Moral Entertainment – The Buddhist Hell Parks of Thailand

51%

Husarski R.

Studia Religiologica

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2021

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vol. 54

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issue 3

195-216

EN

Visiting Hell parks is a popular pastime in contemporary Thailand. Situated near Buddhist temples, these gruesome sculpture gardens depict the Buddhist vision of Hell. These grotesque and violent sculptures are usually seen as an oddity and a form of low art. Perhaps for this reason, they are rarely studied by scholars. This article focuses on the parks as modern entertainment. Usually found in rural areas, these spots try to answer the challenges of the commercialisation and globalisation of Thai society. A detailed analysis of four Hell parks, Wang Saen Suk, Wat Pa Lak Roi, Wat Pa Non Sawan and Wat Pa Thewapithak, shows that these religious amusement parks serve not only as means of entertainment but are also places of Buddhist morality.

8

„Nowy” fundamentalizm katolicki na przykładzie filozofii arcybiskupa Jana Pawła Lengi w czasie pontyfikatu papieża Franciszka

51%

Pieniężny D.

Copernicus Political and Legal Studies

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2025

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vol. 4

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issue 3

55-64

EN

The article analyses the emergence and rise of a new form of Catholic fundamentalism, presented by Archbishop Jan Paweł Lenga in his publications and media statements. The aim of the discussion is to show that the problem of fundamentalism is not only an internal matter for religion and the Church, but, as exemplified by other forms of fundamentalism – non-Catholic ones – also a source of social and political crises. To achieve this goal, I have posed the following research questions: (1) Can the views presented by Jan Paweł Lenga be considered manifestations of Catholic fundamentalism? (2) Could this fundamentalism have far-reaching political, social and theological consequences? The conclusions drawn from the analysis prove that the views presented by Jan Paweł Leng during the pontificate of Pope Francis, which are today considered manifestations of Catholic fundamentalism, contributed to the emergence of a schism in the Catholic Church, which could have had significant political and social consequences.

PL

Artykuł analizuje powstanie i rozkwit nowego przejawu fundamentalizmu katolickiego, prezentowanego przez arcybiskupa Jana Pawła Lengę w jego publikacjach oraz wypowiedziach medialnych. Celem rozważań jest wskazanie, że problem fundamentalizmu to nie tylko wewnętrzna sprawa religii i Kościoła, ale na przykładzie innych fundamentalizmów – niekatolickich, grunt do powstania kryzysów społecznych i politycznych. By zrealizować ten cel postawiłem następujące pytania badawcze: (1) Czy poglądy prezentowane przez Jana Pawła Lengę mogą być uznane za przejawy fundamentalizmu katolickiego? (2) Czy fundamentalizm ten mógł przynieść daleko idące polityczne, społeczne i teologiczne skutki? Wnioski płynące z analizy dowodzą, że poglądy prezentowane przez Jana Pawła Lengę w czasie pontyfikatu papieża Franciszka, będące dziś uznawane za przejaw fundamentalizmu katolickiego, stanowiły przyczynek do powstania schizmy w Kościele katolickim, która mogła mieć duże polityczne i społeczne skutki.

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