Search results - CEJSH

1

The Concept of Communitarianism in Research on a Contemporary Political Philosophy

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Dominiak Ł.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2007

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vol. 36

186-197

EN

The aim of this essay is to provide a theoretically satisfactory definition of communitarianism, a definition which would be theoretically prolific and so fully substantial that it would allow to distinguish communitarianism from the other philosophical streams; and it would give us an answer as to why a given idea or thinker is categorized as communitarian. The essence of this goal is to show a rationally justified method of constructing the definition of communitarianism is aim will be achieved in three steps: 1. Showing that communitarianism related research has not been able to provide a theoretically satisfactory definition of the philosophy; 2. Identifying the causes of this theoretical failure; 3. Formulating a rational method for constructing the theoretically satisfactory definition of communitarianism.

2

Review: "Zarys filozofii polityki," by Stanisław Kowalczyk

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Urgacz P.

Forum Philosophicum

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2008

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vol. 13

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issue 2

397-400

EN

The article reviews the book Zarys filozofii polityki [An Outline of the Political Philosophy], by Stanisław Kowalczyk.

3

O ROLI PISARZA ROZWAŻANEJ W POWIĄZANIU Z INSTYTUCJAMI REPUBLIKAŃSKIMI, CZYLI GERMAINE DE STAËL I POLITYCZNOŚĆ LITERATURY

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Ciemińska J.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2019

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vol. 17

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issue 2

21-33

EN

This study aims to examine the civilizing impact that a writer should possess under a republican government, as expressed in Germiane de Staël’s works of literary and political theory. The redefinition of the art of writing carried out by Staël is analyzed in the context of French history at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries, as it was an attempt to overcome the intellectual crisis caused by the political and cultural changes of that period. The classical opposition between a writer, a philosopher and an orator appears unproductive, as the free and „philosophical” word specific to the republican regime is engaged in the same emancipative and enlightening transfer of energy through the enthusiasm shared both by its addresser and receiver. Philosophy and liberty form one and find their fullest expression in literary production, which is considered as a parole, a vibrant, active word. Literature gains thus the status of an existential experience that shapes the human consciousness. Therefore the writer-philosopher is both the guarantee and the ‘work’ of a republican regime, the vector of a socio-political change, of liberation and lumières.

4

Philosophy and Politics in the Contemporary Age

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Szulakiewicz M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2012

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vol. 41

354-366

EN

Political wisdom, judgement or genius do not stem from the spirit of science and is not the upshot of theoretical generalizations or learning. There is of course “political science” and “political philosophy” but politicians can properly act without them because it is neither the discovery of laws or generalizations in the field of politics nor “knowledge about political things” but “political sense” that is crucial for his actions. As Isaiah Berlin put it years ago: “What makes statesmen, like drivers of cars, successful is that they do not think in general terms – that is, they do not primarily ask themselves in what respect a given situation is like or unlike other situations in the long course of human history (which is what historical sociologists, or theologians in historical clothing, such as Vico or Toynbee, are fond of doing). Their merit is that they grasp the unique combination of characteristics that constitute this particular situation – this and no other. What they are said to be able to do is to understand the character of particular movement, of a particular individual, of a unique state of affairs, of unique atmosphere, of some particular combination of economic, political, personal factors; and we do not readily suppose that this capacity can literally be taught”. Therefore politics is not a quest for “general terms” or general features of political phenomena but a direct and individual insight into concrete reality. Being a politician takes not learning but talent, not expertise but intuition, not knowledge but sense; it takes looking not at general but the particular dimension of human actions. Politicians can be taunted for their posture as Napoleon, they can be uneducated as farmer George Washington or act against morality as Cardinal Richelieu but frankly speaking all these vices are unimportant in the political realm.

5

Book Review: Łukasz Dominiak, “The value of community. Political philosophy of communitarism” [Wartość wspólnoty. O filozofii politycznej komunitaryzmu], Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2010, pp. 351

80%

Karnowska D.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2011

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vol. 40

337-339

EN

The most important ideologies of the XIX and the first half of the XX century took a stand on communities. This was expressed not only in the liberal criticism of the communal lifestyle but also in the socialist commendation; in the conservative hierachy or communist absolute equality. Invariably a community constituted one of the central categories around which concepts of life of a human being and functioning of the society were created.

6

Liberalismus strachu

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Williams B.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2011

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vol. 59

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issue 2

235-245

EN

This is a translation of Williams’ 1994 lecture in the series of Isaiah Berlin Lectures at Wolfson College, Oxford. After some recollections of his friend Berlin, Williams turns to political and moral philosophy and raises the question of who is their addressee. In order to give the correct answer we must first be aware of what philosophy can achieve. As his example, which he analyses in the remainder of the lecture, Williams takes the liberalism of fear of Judith Shklar, which holds that the basic elements of political life are the weak and the strong (not autonomous deliberaters). Before he responds to the question of who is addressed by the thesis of the liberalism of fear, which focuses on the limitation of harm (and not on the development of autonomous units in society), Williams distinguishes between a listener attending to a narrator, and the potential community which the author addresses in their work. In contemporary political philosophy the listener is the one who has the power to put across the given ideas, while the community is the wider public which should critically attend to the one granted power. The problem is that from such literature the others drop out, and with them real politics disappears too. The liberalism of fear, on the contrary, does not neglect this aspect, and takes seriously politics itself that is, power, its division, and, above all, its limitation in each situation. The only basic interest of this work is the analysis of the asymmetry of power and powerlessness, and of how it contributes to the harm of the powerless. Because this means that the author works only with universals (power, powerlessness, fear, cruelty), her listeners are all people. The liberalism of fear emerges from a concrete situation (thus the emphasis on history), and not, like many kinds of philosophical theory, from excogitated general theses which are offered for application. T.H.

7

Back to the Concrete: A Pragmatist Response to Oppression

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Morse D.

Human Affairs

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2009

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vol. 19

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issue 1

28-35

EN

Pragmatism is a vital tool for society today, both because it addresses our more pressing social problems and because it advances beyond other available solutions. As a good deal of recent European philosophy has shown, as in the cases of Adorno and Agamben, for example, our social life is mediated by abstractions that oppress us. With its focus on the immediacy of experience, pragmatism enables us to overcome these abstractions and return to concrete life in a liberating way. I argue against Agamben, however, that the return to concrete life amounts to anarchism. I show that it leads to liberalism instead, along the lines laid out by Dewey in Liberalism and Social Action, in which freed individuality is compatible with the exercise of social intelligence and planning.

8

Toleration: Conflict Resolution Method in Pluralist Societies or a Tool of Discrimination?

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Jarymowicz T.

Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia

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2020

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vol. 15

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issue 1

27 - 39

EN

The article is an extended argument for a positive conception of toleration. First, it examines and ultimately rejects reductive interpretations of toleration proposed by David Heyd and Wendy Brown that stem from deflationary and deconstructive readings respectively. It is argued that deconstructive reading is not satisfactory because it perpetuates and amplifies rather than solves paradoxes of toleration, whereas Heyd’s reading does not recognise the importance of toleration for political processes. The author advocates a normative conception of toleration proposed by Rainer Forst, instead. Such a regime of toleration is based on the right to justification in which everyone affected should participate in delineating its limits as free and equal citizens. This conception not only solves the paradoxes of toleration but also does justice to its political importance.

9

Nástin Sadovy politické filosofie

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Fulka J.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2014

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vol. 62

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issue 1

19-37

EN

In this study I devote my attention to the significance of the work of the Marquis de Sade in the field of political philosophy. The first part focuses on the definition of the basic principles of de Sade’s politically-orientated reflexion, examining above all the theory of the moral and affective solitude of the human being, and, derived from this, the relativism of all moral judgement. In the second part I indicate - primarily on the basis of the text Yet Another Effort, Frenchman, If You Would Become Republicans - the consequences that flow for human society from these basic postulates: the impossibility of making a social contract and the arbitrary division between sovereign individuals and victims. In the concluding part of the text I attempt to show the extent to which de Sade’s thought is relevant from a certain kind of contemporary political philosophy: I concentrate here on Balibar’s conception of “the inconvertibility of violence”; on Ogilvie’s concept of “man as a write-off”, and also on the concept of bio-power as it is formulated by Michel Foucault in The History of Sexuality, and later by Giorgio Agamben in Homo sacer.

10

Leo Strauss's “An Epilogue”: Political Science as Political Philosophy

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Jokubaitis A.

Teoria Polityki

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2021

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vol. 5

193-203

EN

Leo Strauss‘s article “An Epilogue” is made up of many different critical arguments about political science. The guiding principles of these arguments are not revealed clearly enough. One can even get the impression that “An Epilogue” is an unfinished article. Only after finding the guiding principles we can understand the Strauss‘s critique. He emphasized the difference between the philosophical and scientific approach to politics. “An Epilogue” shows that he understood political science as philosophy.

11

Enemy and War in Carl Schmitt’s Political Theory

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Kujawski J.

Zoon Politikon

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2020

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issue 11

29-41

EN

The subject of the following article are the basic concepts present in Carl Schmitt’s political theory: concepts of enemy and war. The concept of the enemy is defined in the first part of the work in the context of coexistence with the concept of friend as the fundamental opposite of the theory of politics. The next part of the essay defines the concept of war, and then describes the right to war (ius belli) as a special right of the state. The last part of this paper deals with the particular concept of enemy, the internal enemy.

12

The Philosophy of Thomas Hobbes: Monist, Materialist and Mechanist

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Machamer P.

Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris

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2012

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vol. 18

EN

This essay will present Hobbes as the most consistent philosopher of the 17th century, and show that in all areas his endeavors have cogency that is unrivalled, in many ways even to this day. The second section will outline Hobbes’ conception of philosophy and his causal materialism. Section 3 will deal briefly with Hobbes’ discussion of sensation and then present his views on the nature and function of language and how reason depends upon language. Section 4 portrays his views about the material world; Section 5 deals with nature of man; and the 6th section with the artificial body of the commonwealth and the means of its creation.

13

Thinking Under Extreme Conditions: From Political Philosophy to the Forcing of Politics. A Contemporary Reflection on Book VI of Plato’s Republic

80%

Gava J.-F.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2016

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issue 1

145-154

EN

According to Aristotle, rhetoric stands in the midst of reason and violence. In con-temporary coordinates, this means that there is a mode of action extraneous to reason, which is violence. Up to now, one could plea that the very exercise of reason was noth-ing but action, autotelic activity. Thus the opposition between action and thought was a fake one. Repatriating à la Oswald Ducrot all reason to practical reason allowed us to think on thought as acting. This was the answer to the impracticability of violence. However, action as a mere discourse conceived as auto/hetero transformational practice in itself will not help. We need to take back into consideration action as something ex-traneous to pure/practical reason, to discourse. But this is not violence of the old type. Both the old irenism of the workers’ movement and the armed counter-state as the spec-ular image of the state, supposed to wipe away the latter from the historical stage in the name of universal emancipation, are impracticable. Modern barbarity will soon get rid of the human species unless a new form of vio-lence is found able to compete with the state, without turning into a new form a state. This new form is authoritative, legitimate intimidation. But what are the conditions to speak out authoritatively? Are they not distinctive state conditions? Moreover, does authority lie in the form of discourse? If not, because consentment has superseded mere submission, which are the authoritative sources of discourse which, though neither overtly nor primarily conflicting with the state, nor with corporations, could somehow not completely coincide with the interests of it and even work against it, though like it? We would like to examine all those questions.

14

Is There a Political Philosophy of the European Union?

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Kühnhardt L.

Dialogue and Universalism

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2016

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issue 2

7-20

EN

The future will tell whether or not the European Union is developing a political philosophy of its own. But the current trend indicates several interesting features struc-turally different, or asymmetric, to the experiences with the evolution of key notions of political philosophy in relation to the past experience with the development of state-hood. The paper gives examples which call for deepened research and provides stimu-lating material for a new and innovative reflection on the process and substance of European integration, this most unique feature of political history in the course of the 20th century.

15

СОВРЕМЕННЫЙ ТЕРРОРИЗМ КАК ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ И ПСИХОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ ФЕНОМЕН: АКТУАЛЬНЫЕ АСПЕКТЫ ИНТЕРПРЕТАЦИИ

71%

ГУТОРОВ (Gutorov) В. V., ШИРИНЯНЦ (Shirinyants) А. A.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2017

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issue 10

277-294

EN

The article analyzes the main directions of interpretation of the phenomenon of terrorism in modern political science and political philosophy. In the public орinion terrorism as the most important factor of contemporary politics is often perceived very superficially. Many modern interpretations of terrorism, despite their apparent objectivity have consistently produced a stencil historical logic, based on purely external perception of terrorism as a subversive activity of individuals and small groups, guided by very different political motives. This trend is constantly reproduced by the media, creating conventional images of terrorists in political memory and thereby false perception of the true objectives they pursue and the real corporate structures that finance and direct their activities. Throughout the emerging dilemmas in the interpretation of terrorist activity in various regions of the world associated with the dominance of practices of violence, the lack of freedom and emergency situations in the modern political discourse. These practices constantly nourish the rhetoric of the “war on terror” imposing restrictions on the freedom of subjective judgments and contributing to the formation of “disciplinary power,” the basic mechanisms of which had been once extensively considered in M. Foucault’s political philosophy. The article proves the thesis that despite the stable liberal stereotypes, state terrorism should be viewed in theory as a universal matrix while all other forms of individual and group terrorism, regardless of their social, class or ideological orientation, are derived from this base. The paper proves the thesis according to which the adequate scientific definitions of terrorism contribute to the destruction of some historiosophical concepts, which in recent decades have transformed into a stable political myths.

PL

W artykule poddano analizie podstawowe kierunki interpretacji zjawiska terroryzmu we współczesnej nauce o polityce oraz filozofii politycznej. W świadomości społecznej terroryzm jako jeden z najważniejszych czynników współczesnej polityki traktuje się, na ogół, bardzo powierzchownie. Wiele współczesnych interpretacji terroryzmu, przy całym ich pozornym zewnętrznym obiektywizmie, w rzeczywistości stale odtwarza szablonową logikę historyczną, opartą na czysto zewnętrznym pojmowaniu terroryzmu jako akcji wywrotowych jednostek i niewielkich grup, kierujących się przeróżnymi motywami politycznymi. Dana tendencja stale posługuje się środkami masowej informacji, utrwalającymi w pamięci politycznej szablonowe obrazy terrorystów i tym samym fałszywe pojmowanie zarówno rzeczywistych celów, które starają się oni osiągać, jak i realnych struktur korporacyjnych, które finansują i ukierunkowują ich działalność. Powszechnie występujące dylematy w zakresie interpretacji aktywności terrorystycznej w wielu regionach świata wiążą się z panowaniem we współczesnym dyskursie politycznym praktyk przemocy, braku swobody i sytuacji nadzwyczajnych, stale zasilających retorykę „wojny z terrorem”. Praktyki te same z siebie nakładają ograniczenia na subiektywną swobodę opinii, sprzyjając formowaniu struktur „władzy dyscyplinującej”, której podstawowe mechanizmy były swego czasu wszechstronnie przebadane w filozofii politycznej M. Foucaulta. W artykule sformułowano tezę, zgodnie z którą, wbrew stabilnym stereotypom liberalnym, terroryzm państwowy należy rozpatrywać w planie teoretycznym w charakterze uniwersalnej zasady lub „matrycy”, podczas gdy inne formy terroryzmu indywidualnego i grupowego, niezależnie od ich orientacji socjalnej, klasowej lub ideologicznej, jawią się jako wywodzące się z tejże podstawy. W artykule zauważa się, że adekwatne naukowe określenia terroryzmu sprzyjają zburzeniu niektórych koncepcji historiozoficznych, które w ciągu ostatnich dziesięcioleci przekształciły się w stabilne mity polityczne.

RU

В статье анализируются основные направления интерпретации феномена терроризма в современной политической науке и политической философии. В общественном сознании терроризм как важнейший фактор современной политики воспринимается, как правило, весьма поверхностно. Многие современные интерпретации терроризма, при всей их кажущейся внешней объективности, на самом деле постоянно воспроизводят трафаретную историческую логику, основанную на чисто внешнем восприятии терроризма как подрывных акций индивидов и небольших групп, руководствующихся самыми различными политическими мотивами. Данная тенденция постоянно используется средствами массовой информации, закрепляющими в политической памяти шаблонные образы террористов и тем самым ложное восприятие как истинных целей, которые они преследуют, так и тех реальных корпоративных структур, которые финансируют и направляют их деятельность. Повсеместно возникающие дилеммы в трактовках террористической активности в различных регионах мира связаны с господством в современном политическом дискурсе практик насилия, несвободы и чрезвычайных ситуаций, постоянно подпитывающих риторику «войны с террором». Эти практики сами по себе накладывают ограничения на субъективную свободу суждений, способствуя формированию структур «дисциплинарной власти», основные механизмы которой были в свое время всесторонне исследованы в политической философии М. Фуко. В статье обосновывается тезис, согласно которому вопреки устойчивым либеральным стереотипам, государственный терроризм следует рассматривать в теоретическом плане в качестве универсальной основы или «матрицы», в то время как все другие формы индивидуального и группового терроризма, независимо от их социальной, классовой или идеологической ориентации, являются производными от данной основы. В статье отмечается, что адекватные научные определения терроризма способствуют разрушению некоторых историософских концепций, которые в последние десятилетия превратились в устойчивые политические мифы.

16

Pluralizm racjonalności i pluralistyczna krytyka imparcjalizmu

70%

Perlikowski Ł.

Kultura i Edukacja

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2018

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issue 1(119)

11-28

EN

The article aims to present and critically analyze one of the currents of thought within the framework of deliberative democracy. The main dispute that we identify in the framework of this theory is the dispute between the impartialist and pluralistic approach. The role of reason towards the phenomenon of pluralism is the subject of these discussions. The impartialists base their arguments above all on the idea of public reason, while pluralists deny its value to other values. It can therefore be concluded that this dispute consists in opposing the rationality of pluralism to the pluralism of rationality. In addition to analyzing the arguments of the pluralist approach, we also focus on the criticism of the impartialism that these positions have put forward. The article distinguishes three possible forms of pluralism: rationality of pluralism, plurality of rationality prima facie and plurality of rationality sensu proprio. This allows us to show the relationship between impartialism (rationality of pluralism) and pluralism (plurality of rationalities prima facie) and the plurality of pluralism proposed by the critics of impartiality (plurality of rationalities prima facie) with a specific form of pluralism (plurality of rationality sensu proprio). In addition, in the article we identify the directives which pluralists propose to take place of public reason. The pluralistic approach which we analyze in the text is presented by such authors as: Iris Marion Young, Seyla Benhabib, Chantal Mouffe, Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson. The impartialist tradition should be associated with John Rawles and his interpreters and critics such as Joshua Cohen and Brian Barry.

17

Gilgamesh, Political Power, and Human Nature

70%

Świercz P.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2019

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vol. 10

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issue 32

31-46

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The objective of the article is an analysis of the Epic of Gilgamesh from the perspective of political philosophy. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main research problem undertaken in this article is the problem of human nature and its connection with political power in light of the Sumero-Akkadian Epic of Gilgamesh. The article is based on an analysis of the source text (the Epic of Gilgamesh) in the English version by Andrew George, with the secondary literature also taken into consideration. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The point of departure is a justification of the subject undertaken here, with a reference to Leo Strauss’ political philosophy. Next, three key aspects of the subject matter are analyzed: the humanization of Enkidu, the search for immortality, and the conception of political power. RESEARCH RESULTS: The main result of the scientific analysis is the indication of themes concerning the significance and understanding of human nature and their relationship to the concept of political power that formed in Mesopotamia. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In the conclusions, the author indicates the unmistakable presence of a notion of human nature in Sumero-Akkadian reflection, as well as the connection between this notion of human nature and a paradigm of political power. The author also points to a religious aspect crucial for understanding these concepts.

18

Nowa polityka Wprowadzenie do ewolucyjności

70%

Korab-Karpowicz W. J.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 48

23-34

EN

This article introduces a vision of the new politics that emerges from my recent book Tractatus Politico‑Philosophicus. The Tractatus discusses a number of topics. To name just a few, these are: politics, human nature, the state, freedom, solidarity, democracy, civilization, family and marriage, power, international relations, war and peace. Also, it introduces new words, such as sophocracy, ennobled democracy; nativeculturalism (an alternative to multiculturalism); or parentsexuality, a privileged form of sexuality. It addresses many issues that concern today’s political thinkers. The main objective of my work is to demonstrate the necessity of, and provide a guide for, the redirection of humanity. The piece argues that this paradigm shift must involve changing the character of social life and politics from competitive to cooperative, encouraging moral and intellectual virtues, providing foundations for happy societies, promoting peace among countries and building a strong international community. The article attempts to show that the essence of politics is not a struggle for power, which can only be its derivative meaning, but rather the ability to organize society for cooperation and actualize a good life. It also reminds humanity of its high task, which is moral and intellectual perfection, and advancing human evolution.

19

O metodzie idealizacji i konkretyzacji w filozofii politycznej liberalizmu

70%

Ciesielski M.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

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2011

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issue 3

107-131

PL

In the article, I introduce the interpretation of selected concepts of liberalist think-ers in the perspective of idealisational theory of science, expounded by Piotr Przybysz in the book entitled “Modele teoretyczne we współczesnej filozofii politycznej liberalizmu (Theoretical models in the contemporary political philosophy of liberalism)”. With this purpose in mind, I characterise the fundamental tenets of idealisation and concretisation methodology and quote the principal argumentation threads of Przy-bysz’s for the sake of a thesis that the method of conceptualisation employed by John Rawls, Robert Nozick, James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock may be defined as idealisa-tion of reality. Moreover, I present an attempt at alternative interpretation of Nozick’s vision of socio-political dynamics in the light of idealisational theory of science.

20

Rola intelektualistów w polis. Rozważania o Hieronie Ksenofonta

70%

Wonicki R.

ARGUMENT: Biannual Philosophical Journal

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2022

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vol. 12

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issue 1

27-40

EN

The role of intellectuals in polis. Reflections on Xenophon’s Hiéron: It is well known, although the 20th century has showed it probably in the most visible way, that intellectuals would often like to make a moral influence on politicians and politics. Their eternal dream of enlightened government turns them to the delusion of their own agency in influencing politicians. Following such an illusion as Mark Lilla shows leads them in many cases to support a tyrannical regime. The problem of intellectual engagement and interaction with the authorities is not of course new. We could also observe and analyze it just going back to the Greek roots. In the article I would like to outline the relationship between Xenophon’s life and his reflections as a philosopher on power that he included in Hieron. I also refer these considerations to the present day in reference to Leo Strauss’ interpretation of Xenophon’s ideas about tyranny. Such comparison could be still today instructive for us how problematic is the role of those who, communing with the ideas of beauty, good and justice, want to transfer them to the sphere of the political community. It is this junction of ethics and politics that I would like to address in my considerations, trying to compare Plato with Xenophon and indicate several possible interpretations of the philosopher’s relationship to politics and power.

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