Search results - CEJSH

1

Europe as a Fiction

100%

Filipowicz S.

Civitas. Studia z filozofii polityki (Civitas. Studies on politics philosophy)

|

2006

|

issue 9

9-20

EN

A comparison of the United States of America and the European Union indicates a clear difference. In the USA, in spite of ever-more frequent warnings of disintegration, there exists a defined political nation and the face of American patriotism is still very clear. In Europe, despite the lack of a political nation, an omnipresent optimism dominates. There, in the public arena, a naive and noisy fiction has appeared which, usurping high dignity, imposes itself as a meritorious wisdom. Such, indeed, is the meaning of 'Europe' and 'Europeans', propagating with great fervour the notion of unity. For unity is a truth created by politicians, a project confirming the great power of imagination. Modernity has given rise to great temptations to glorify imagination and the European project has clear roots in the Enlightenment. However, both the writings of Europe's 'Founding Fathers' as well as works by historiographers and political philosophers point up the lack of a homogeneous concept of a European identity. Unity has only now become an aim and a task to be carried out. Adherents of unification persuade us that it is an unquestionable aim, serving the accomplishment of the most commendable rules and values. In this way, the project has become reality and its opponents are named 'Utopians'. Since reality has lost its meaning, what is important in the essence is only that which concurs with the 'anointed' view, which has been legitimised by thought set upon the pedestal of authority.

2

CO-OPERATION, DEMORACY AND LIBERTY (Kooperacja, demokracja i wolnosc)

100%

Abramowski E.

Pieniądze i Więź

|

2009

|

vol. 12

|

issue 1(42)

27-60

EN

The next part of Co-Operative Thought Library (15) is composed of excerpts from writings of one of the greatest co-operatives' theoreticians, Edward Abramowski. Selected passages from the years 1906-1907, are dedicated to the associations and social ideas of co-operation. Published excerpts are quoted from: E. Abramowski, The Writings, 1924.

3

What does 'change of system' mean? An attempt to clarify the concept

100%

Kornai J.

Kozgazdasagi Szemle (Economic Review)

|

2007

|

vol. 54

|

issue 4

303-321

EN

It has often been said in political debate in recent months that there was no 'real change of system', that a 'new change of system' is needed. The study tries to interpret the concept of systemic change, strictly dividing the positive from the normative approach to the question. It advances an answer to the question: what are the necessary and sufficient conditions for stating - in a positive sense - that the change of system has occurred? This calls for careful study of whether the conditions have been fulfilled in the economic and political fields. The author takes a similar approach to considering the minimum (necessary and sufficient) conditions for establishing democracy. Where normative criteria apply, choice depends on the value system of the assessor individual or group. Those displeased with prevailing conditions are wont to mention two unfulfilled value-related criteria: 1. there has been no real 'changing of the guard'; no radical change in the composition of the elite has occurred, and 2. justice has not been done; those responsible for the crimes of the old regime have not been punished. The study examines these problems and concludes with some observations on the importance of conceptual clarification.

4

SOCIAL VACUUM AND DEMOCRACY - EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS

80%

Czesnik M.

Studia Socjologiczne

|

2008

|

issue 2(189)

5 -28

EN

This article discusses a classical Stefan Nowak's hypothesis of sociological vacuum. The main objective is to test the hypothesis that sociological vacuum is dysfunctional for democracy; The author aims to answer the question whether a democratic system can function properly in a society experiencing sociological vacuum. Analyses show that sociological vacuum is not unique for Poland - societies under scrutiny differ significantly in terms of group identities and their variance. This variance, however, is not related to the quality of democracy; among successful democratic systems there are both countries of large and small sociological vacuum. This implies that democracy can function properly also in countries where group identities are weak. Thus the main conclusion of the article is that deficiencies and imperfections of democracy, also in Poland, are due to other than sociological vacuum causes.

5

When you Can’t Add it Up: Measuring Democracy with QCA

80%

Adams J., Tope D.

ASK. Research and Methods

|

2012

|

vol. 21

|

issue 1

31-54

EN

Typical democracy measures rely upon categorical classification or continuous indices to indicate the level of democracy in a study’s nations. Using Qualitative Comparative Analysis techniques, we demonstrate an alternative method for measuring democracy that retains – in the measure itself – the full-range of included components, which previous measures use in their construction, but conceal in their resultant scores. We directly compare the new measure to existing measures to (a) highlight existing measures’ forced comparisons between incommensurate components, and (b) reveal components used to calculate existing measures that do not substantially contribute to nations’ democratic classification within them. We then indirectly compare the performance of such a measure to others with an example estimating the relationship between economic development and democracy. The article concludes by discussing some additional advantages of the QCA measure, acknowledging some of its weaknesses, and suggesting several extensions for its use.

6

Jak podobne? Jak różne? Dzienniki tabloidowe w odmiennych systemach medialnych

80%

Dobek-Ostrowska B.

Oblicza Komunikacji

|

2011

|

vol. 4

33-56

EN

The article is an attempt to analyse the tabloid phenomenon from the perspective of D.C. Halin and P. Mancini's theory of three media systems. These types of newspapers emerged in liberal media systems (USA and the United Kingdom), but as early as in the second half of the 20th century, during a period of intense privatisation and commercialisation of the media this type of journalism also emerged in the democratic corporatism model, where many popular newspapers began turning into tabloids. This was also where we could see the emergence of new titles which today set the conventions of tabloid journalism (e.g. Bild, The Sun, Verdens Gang). Today, tabloids are present in every democratic country in the world with the exception of the Mediterranean countries, where their function seems to be performed by sports newspapers. They flourish in Japan, Canada, Australia or New Zealand. After 1989 new markets also emerged in Central Europe. Media groups which had limited investment opportunities in their own countries were quick to take advantage of that. Tabloid publishers – the Swiss Ringier and the German Axel Springer – did not miss this opportunity either. The former chose small markets similar to Switzerland, while the latter decided to risk a tabloid on the Polish market. Both publishers have been hugely successful. Today in countries with low readership level, such as Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary or Romania, tabloids have become a permanent feature of their media systems, while tabloid journalism sets general standards in the media.

7

THE CITIZENS AND THE CONSUMERS. FREE MARKET, DEMOCRACY AND THE CIVIC SOCIETY IN THE ERA OF TURBOCAPITALISM (Obywatele i konsumenci. Wolny rynek, demokracja i spoleczenstwo obywatelskie w epoce turbokapitalizmu)

80%

Sowa J.

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje

|

2007

|

vol. 10

89-107

EN

The article aims to verify the popular thesis that capitalism inevitably leads to the democratic system. In author's opinion such an assumption is a part of the threatening postpolitical ideology. According to postpolitical ideology the decisions on the most important social problems shouldn't be a political issue, but the concern of experts and managers acting in the name of capitalist-liberal consensus. However, stresses the author, in the first part of the article, during two last centuries the cornerstones of democracy - that is: civic rights, gender equality, education for all, equal chances in the public sphere - weren't a 'gift' of the capitalist system but an effect of emancipatory efforts of different social groups. It is not the market but the public policy who is responsible for achieving the public welfare. In the second part of the article discusses the neoliberal ideology threats to democracy, that is: the apotheosis of consumption and the depreciation of the idea of the common good.

8

DELIBERATION, OR, WHAT DOES THE ESSENCE OF DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY INVOLVE? (Deliberacja - czyli na czym polega istota demokracji deliberatywnej)

80%

Riedel R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2009

|

issue 23

205-220

EN

This article, by the nature of things, and given its subject matter and wording, has no ambition to contribute to the theory of democracy, but attempts to establish the features of the deliberative process on political grounds, of its constituent parts and of the circumstances that condition it. The springboard for these considerations is the etymological and linguistic meaning of the word 'deliberation', which then takes the author to a scientific, in the political sciences sense of the term, understanding, as well as to the establishment of the fundamental differences between deliberation and such concepts as discussion and debate. This reflection is carried out within the context of the primary conceptualisations of deliberative democracy and, in particular, of its key elements, such as an initial lack of accord, reasoning, consensus, the decision, its implementation and its legitimisation. The text also incorporates a short reference to criticism expressed against the notion of deliberative democracy. In conclusion, the author gives voice to a recommendation that normativists and empiricists engage in a more intensive dialogue in order to make good the shortfall in scholarly literature focussing on deliberative democracy, while studies on deliberation, particularly in its empirical aspect, should cease to home in primarily on deliberations between citizens and instead subject both the deliberative process among the political elite and citizen/political elite deliberations to much harsher scrutiny.

9

BUDOUCNOST LIDSTVA ZA SOUMRAKU ÉRY NÁRODNÍCH STÁTŮ: PŘEDPOKLADY A VYHLÍDKY KOSMOPOLITNÍ KONSTELACE

80%

Bureš O.

Filozofia (Philosophy)

|

2019

|

vol. 74

|

issue 2

81 – 94

EN

Jürgen Habermas, in his concepts of constitutional patriotism and post-national constellation, responds to two significant features of globalization: the growing plurality of life forms and modes and the shock of basic functions and legitimacy of national states as the basic political unit. The plurality of life forms is the culmination of a process that in modernity led to separation of law from morality. According to Habermas, lawfulness can now be based on the moral universalism of human rights and freedoms. The vision of post-national constellation is then linked to the democratization of globalization processes. I postulate that Habermas's ideas need to be radicalized, socialized and modernized in the face of the fundamental challenges of social, ecological and cultural justice and sustainability, and the risks which global society faces and will face. I point out the need for democratization of politics and economics as a prerequisite for global social justice enshrined in human rights. The national state's perspective does not allow adequate insight and negotiation. Therefore it is necessary to overcome it towards cosmopolitanism, which avoids authoritarianism and centrism by its attempt at pluralistic universalism achieved through intercultural dialogue with respect for the principle of justice and sustainability. The assumption is abandonment methodological nationalism and decolonization thinking.

10

LIMITY VÝKONU ÚSTAVODARNEJ MOCI V SLOVENSKEJ REPUBLIKE (HABILITAČNÁ PREDNÁŠKA)

80%

Baraník K.

Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)

|

2021

|

vol. 104

|

issue 1

3 – 25

EN

On the background of the existential tension between democracy and constitutionalism, the article addresses the limits of the exercise of constitutional power in the Slovak Republic. It maps out both explicit and implicit limits of the constitutional process. First it analyses internal, i.e. national restrictions resulting from the Slovak constitutional order and then focuses to limits, the existence of which is implicitly shaped by external legal orders. Some of these restrictions on the exercise of constitutional power are quite unequivocal. Others represent so far unapplied, rather hypothetical limits. The submitted text defends the need for the existence of inherent limits of the exercise of constitutional power. They are an expression of the restriction on the exercise of any power, which is the basic postulate of democratic constitutionalism. In the end of the article, the author calls for the establishment of system balance in the exercise of constitutional power of the National Council. Such approach namely supports the possibility of democratic constitutional modification and will ensure accentuation of principles of constitutionalism, without the need of fixation of the constitution to any form (implicit or explicit) of inviolability.

11

Demokracja i demony

80%

Chęcińska A.

Euro-Facta

|

2010

|

vol. 2. Kultura a komunikacja

297-336

EN

Equality, liberty, tolerance and open society are the most important democratic ideals and rules, which guarantee respect for human dignity, the basis of the natural and unalienable low. This values are the main democratic principle and breaking them means that the regime can not be fully realized. As a result of this values certain risk appears, which is not directly undermining the democratic basis, but defining its quality. Although noticing these demons does not create fast changes, it might has meaning for the democratic development as an idea, which is not an eternal system, but a process taking, which takes under consideration human morality development. Equality guarantees the value of human life, what is more it might provoke diversity disappear and change pluralism for homogenic system. Liberty guarantees respect for the individualism and individual choices but if it is interpreted as a right for a good choices it can produce a despotism. Tolerance is a not precise term what makes describing the limits of its use difficult. Open society which is a consequence of applying the three mentioned rules is vulnerable to risk coming from the lack of acceptation for its values. Democracy as a system of values depends on making the values principle. How far realizing and enforcing the basic democratic values is possible stays an open question.

12

SOCIOLOGICAL VACUUM AND DEMOCRACY

80%

Czesnik M.

Kultura i Społeczeństwo

|

2008

|

vol. 52

|

issue 4

19-50

EN

The main purpose of the article is to seek an answer to the fundamental question whether democracy can function properly in a society affected by a sociological vacuum. The author confronts the by-now classic proposition of Stefan Nowak with the achievements of the theory of democracy. He analyses the currently dominating models and perspectives from the point of view of the characteristics of societies, their structure, the individuals' ownership, and above all the distribution of identity. He devotes a separate discussion to the relation between sociological vacuum and democratization. Theoretical debate shows that sociological vacuum is neither a condition of the democratic system nor an obstacle to its existence. A successful, effectively operating democratic collectivity can exist in a society where group identities are weak or do not exist at all. It must, however, be admitted that in specific circumstances a lack of a vacuum may be acknowledged as a condition that favours democracy, since strong identities of intermediate level create a social capital that is the building material of civic society and democratic political culture. Nevertheless, the main conclusion of the article is the statement that the defects of the democratic system in Poland have other reasons than a sociological vacuum.

13

THE PROBLEMATIC HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP

80%

Markoff J.

Sociológia (Sociology)

|

2005

|

vol. 37

|

issue 4

307-322

EN

Since the late eighteenth century, when the word 'democrat' became common, the meanings of 'democracy' have continued to change. To a large degree this has been a consequence of the actions of social movements that challenged not only current procedures but the boundaries of democratic citizenship. Democracy has always inspired people with the promise of inclusion, but has at the same time excluded others. Although the boundaries have changed, the existence of such boundaries has continued to galvanize movements for change.

14

VÝVOJ KONCEPTU BRÁNIACEJ SA DEMOKRACIE V SLOVENSKOM PRÁVNOM PORIADKU

80%

Cibik S.

Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)

|

2023

|

vol. 106

|

issue 3

189 – 201

EN

In the article, the author deals with the concept of defending democracy, its several types, and based on the analysis of the legal order as well as the jurisprudence of the highest court instances, evaluates what kind of defending democracy prevails in the Slovak Republic. In addition to the definition of the types of defending democracy by foreign authors, the author brings his own perspective and explanations of the term militant democracy, defending democracy and immune democracy and points out the positives, but also the risks resulting from the application of individual concepts of defending democracy.

15

Demokracja i dyktatura w prawno-państwowym namyśle Konstantego Grzybowskiego. Przypadek refleksji antydogmatycznej

80%

Rysiewicz M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2010

|

issue 2(14)

333-362

EN

The article’s aim is to present and examine the concept of democracy and the democratic dictatorship in legal and political thought of Konstanty Grzybowski, Polish conservative jurist and political thinker. The research’s interest refers only to the interwar period, precisely the time between 1925 (first Grzybowski’s publication) and 1939. Presentation of selected moments in thinker’s biography is followed with the brief outline of his political orientation and it’s constitutive elements. The author underlines the importance of Grzybowski’s thought which is founded on the clear distinction between democracy and liberalism, that nowadays seems to be forgotten.

16

Aktivní občanství a spokojenost s demokracií v Evropě

80%

Vlachova K., Lebeda T.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

|

2006

|

vol. 42

|

issue 1

11-34

EN

In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ and to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, and passive participation. Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist and Mediterranean countries than in the Western European and Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker and is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-demonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro and macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity and satisfaction with the way democracy works.

17

Lustration as a Struggle for a New Rules of Politics and a Legitimacy Enhancement in the New Democracies

80%

Wolek A.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

|

2004

|

issue 15

147-201

EN

Lustration in Poland and in the Czech Republic is often interpreted exclusively as a dealing with the memories of the past issues (Vergangenheitbewaeltigung) or a transitory (backward-looking) justice instance. This approach makes unintelligible the endurance of lustration in already consolidated democracies of Central Europe. The article suggests that it is easier to understand it as an instrument of the change of politics rules. Lustration is an attempt to change informal communist rules of secrecy and 'nomenklatura' privileges, which survived the fall of communism. As such lustration aims to overcome a legitimacy crisis inescapable in the situation of evolutionary political regime change. The article defines first the concept of informal rule of politics in order to prove that its endurance makes new democracies of Central Europe a peculiar mix of old and new rules, which is the source of legitimacy vulnerability. Against this theoretical background instances of politics of lustration and decommunization are analyzed (nationalization of communist party property, communist crimes prosecution, lustration proper). The conclusion is that the effectiveness of lustration as a legitimacy enhancement tool is limited. It works only in these fields of politics, where new rules have already prevailed; where a substantial change of rules is needed, lustration fails. Demonstrating the weakness of new democracies to execute laws changing informal rules of communism, lustration makes the legitimacy crisis even more open.

18

CHILDHOOD - ADOLESCENCE - DEMOCRACY. CONTINGENCY, LOSS AND NORMALISATION OF THE PHENOMENON OF ADOLESCENCE IN MODERN SOCIETIES (Dziecinstwo-mlodosc-demokracja. Kontyngencja, zanik i normalizacja fenomenu mlodziezy w spoleczenstwach nowoczesnych)

80%

Benner D., Stepkowski D.

Studia z Teorii Wychowania

|

2011

|

issue 2(3)

126-142

EN

Contrary to appearances, childhood and adolescence are not only biological phenomena, but also, by any measure, something historical. As a result, they can and must be considered in the context of democracy. The article is divided into four parts. First, the authors recall that in the Greek paideia, childhood was barely subject to any consideration and that it was only in the Renaissance that there were changes in the concept of man, which led to the crystallization of the concept of modern childhood and youth. The second section reconstructs the meaning of the terms 'childhood' and 'adolescence' in the views of Jean Jacques Rousseau. The theme of the third part is the historicity of childhood, adolescence and adulthood, which the authors discuss against the backdrop of Neil Postman's thesis on the disappearance of childhood and adulthood. In the fourth and final section, the authors attempt - first of all - to clarify what really is disappearing forever, and what is lasting, despite transformation, and, secondly, to indicate the central issues in the relationship between childhood, adolescence, and democracy.

19

Media i polityka. Między władzą i obywatelskim społeczeństwem

80%

Habuda L.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2010

|

vol. 11

161-183

EN

In every democratic political system the fundamental power belongs to citizens. Full access to information is the base of democracy. Mass media should fulfill the important role to inform society about politics, state policy and political institution. The fundamental thesis of this article is the following: the role of media in Polish democratic political system, especially in Polish civil society, is for democracy and civil society rather more negative (destructive) than positive (constructive). Author argues that non-dialogical nature, aggressive attacks of governors, journalists non professionalism and political party options cause that polish media more destruct than build democracy and civil society. Party engagement moved Polish medias from area of civil society to area of political power subsystem. This is a serious challenge for media, democracy and civil society. This state may be interpreted as evolving new type of democracy, democracy without social capital. I prefer to interpret it as democracy in danger, as cripplehood of democracy. Maybe, it is natural state of each political system.

20

Wpływ wartości na rozumienie pojęcia demokracji

80%

Jasko K., Kossowska M.

Psychologia Społeczna

|

2008

|

vol. 3

|

issue 3(8)

243-257

EN

The goal of the present research was to identify ways in which people understand the concept of democracy. The second goal was to find out to what extent accepted values can predict understanding of the concept of democracy. It was expected that different values should be associated with differences in meanings ascribed to democracy. These hypotheses were tested with a sample of young people and adults moderately interested in politics, and with young people engaged in political parties. The results were generally consistent with expectations. First, it was found that people revealed differences in understanding of the concept of democracy. The most popular was the concept that referred to normative features of democracy. The remaining two meanings of democracy were: identification of democracy with a welfare state, and with nationalistic and authoritarian rules. Values were found to be related to the accepted meaning of democracy: some values (e.g., Tradition, Egalitarianism) had more effect on political thinking than others (e.g., Hedonism). The relationship between values and the way participants understood democracy turned out to be moderated by the level of engagement in politics.

Refine search results