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Demographic Ageing in Japan

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The ageing of the population is today one of the most important demographic processes that is taking place in many countries. This process is connected with the transition from high to low fertility and mortality. However, the beginning of this process and its duration is different in different countries, so the proportion of elderly in the total population varies depending on the country, which is being analyzed. In this article author analyzed the process of demographic ageing in Japan in 1950 – 2100 with using the data from the World Population Prospects (the medium variant of fertility).
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The paper analyses three concepts of foreign policy that illustrate Japan’s growing interest in active participation in regional and global affairs: Abe Shintarō’s “creative diplomacy”, Asō Tarō’s “value-based diplomacy” and Abe Shinzō’s “proactive pacifism”. The aim of the article is to examine how the Japanese government shaped increasingly assertive foreign policy concepts in response to the evolving international environment. Alongside external determinants, domestic factors are also reviewed, including decision-making processes in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the personal beliefs of statespersons.
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The Senkaku Islands, or Diaoyutai Islands are a group of disputed, uninhabited five small volcanic islands and three rocky outcroppings. The islands are located roughly northeast of Taiwan, due west of Okinawa, and due north of the end of the Ryukyu Islands in the East China Sea. They are currently controlled by Japan, but also both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) claim that these islands fall under their respective sovereign jurisdiction. Historically, the islands are of insignificant economic value be- sides the rich fishing stock. They were mainly used as safe harbour for local fishers or navigation points so that till 1970 sovereignty over them wasn't discussed or questioned. However, a study by the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (UNECAFE) published in 1969 suggested that the seabed of the East China Sea could be one of the richest oil and gas-deposit areas in the region. It became apparent that the acquisition of territorial sovereignty over these islands might legitimise future claims to the adjacent territorial sea, and possibly to justify the creation of an exclusive economic zone under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The direct reason for the dispute was however the fact of giving the administration over the Riukiu islands and Senkaku back to Japan (in 1972) from temporary US military administration after the WW II. Japan declined the Chine- se claims and pointed out that till the mid 1970 no such claims were laid. Additionally for both sides military (due to location it is an important point in Japanese self defence system) and political (need to show the power of the countries at realizing their national interests, claims of sovereignty over the islands raised the spirit of nationalism in both countries used by politicians) meaning of the disputed territory became clear. The claims of both sides use a variety of historical, law and other reasons. The Chinese argumentation is trying to show that its acts of prior discovery, use, and ownership of the islands are sufficient to grant it legal title and argues about the legal treaties regarding these territories asserting that Japan specifically ceded the islands to China after World War II. On the other side Japan concentrate on the facts that it claims legal possession of the islands and peacefully and continuously exercised sovereignty over the is- lands for over one hundred years also the different interpretation of the treaties is represented. Both sides present extensive documentary evidence and historical arguments to prove title to the islands and appear unwilling to negotiate any compromise. The national pride and political interest have resulted in number of protests, incidents and quarrels over these territories started mainly by Chinese nationalists to support bad feelings against Japan or to make a pressure on Japanese government. However the situation in the region, despite the lack of cooperation in this matter is stabile. The economic concurrence between the countries and their need for mineral resources make the dispute stay open and to be used in the right time (as bargain by China) but it doesn't change the fact that Japan is exercising authority over the islands. Additionally the other disputes these countries have with their neighbours make it more difficult to achieve a sati factionary result because it could influence them as the sign of weakness. It is highly possible that the dispute will stay unsolved and without causing broader tensions will be used in particular cases according to the political interests of both sides.
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Podejmując problematykę stosunków japońsko-koreańskich starano się przedstawić je w trzech kontekstach: historycznym, bezpieczeństwa regionalnego w Azji Wschodniej po zimnej wojnie i teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Od najdawniejszych czasów historia stosunków między Japonią a Koreą naznaczona była aktami agresji i przemocy ze strony Japonii. W wyniku najazdu dokonanego przez Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1592–1598) Korea na długie lata popadła w zapaść gospodarczą. Japońska okupacja Korei (1910–1945) zapisała się w świadomości narodu koreańskiego jako okres prześladowań i eksterminacji. Pamięć o próbach wykorzenienia tożsamości narodowej w okresie japońskich rządów kolonialnych jest ciągle obecna wśród Koreańczyków. W 1948 roku na mapie politycznej świata pojawiły się dwa państwa koreańskie, komunistyczna Północ i mające demokratyczne aspiracje Południe. Wybuch wojny koreańskiej (1950–1953) był symbolem globalnego konfliktu ideologicznego zimnej wojny. Podzielona Korea stała się głównym źródłem zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa regionalnego w Azji Wschodniej. Na skutek mediacji Stanów Zjednoczonych doszło do podpisania w 1965 roku traktatu normalizującego stosunki japońsko-koreańskie. Traktat ten umożliwił nawiązanie stosunków dyplomatycznych między Japonią a Republiką Korei. Pomimo, że nie zostały nawiązane oficjalne stosunki dyplomatyczne między Japonią a Koreańską Republiką Ludowo Demokratyczną, w Japonii w 1955 roku zezwolono na utworzenie Związku Rezydentów Koreańskich. Jednakże antyjapońskie uprzedzenia wynikające z negatywnych doświadczeń historycznych nadal stanowią źródło napięć i kontrowersji między trzema państwami. W stosunkach Japonii z państwami koreańskimi miejsce szczególne zajmuje problem denuklearyzacji Półwyspu Koreańskiego. Istnieje bowiem realne niebezpieczeństwo wynikające z posiadania broni atomowej przez reżim północnokoreański. Prowadzone z przerwami rozmowy sześciostronne nie przyniosły oczekiwanych efektów. Półwysep Koreański ciągle pozostaje miejscem regionalnego zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa. W niniejszym artykule stosunki japońsko-koreańskie są także rozpatrywane przez trzy podejścia teoretyczne: neorealizm, neoliberalizm i neoklasyczny realizm.
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This paper focuses on relations between Japan and the two Koreas, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Relations between Japan and the two Koreas can be simultaneously examined in three related contexts: the history of the national entities which is still subject to divergent interpretations, the post-Cold War East Asian security environment, and international relations (IR) theory, particularly the contrasts between neorealism, neoliberalism and neoclassical realism. In addition to traditional relations, the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910–1945) still serves as a relevant area of sensitivity between all three nations. The post-Cold War East Asian security environment is a complex mixture of vestiges of the Cold War and new regional paradigms and shifts of power, particularly against the backdrop of competing big-power interests converging on the region. Both the relations between these three nations and as well as the regional concerns of other state-actors have often been focused in recent years by North Korea’s developing nuclear weapons and missile technologies. Japanese-Korean relations present a contentious subject for IR scholars to debate the respective merits of various theoretical approaches. It is the opinion of the author that on balance, at least for the time being, neoclassical realism is a better lens through which to view these relations.
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This article will endeavor to examine the process of Japanese marriage through the prismof its law regulations and various requirements, all of which are intrinsic to the formationof a marriage partnership. This will include a range of trends within the sphere of marriageand divorce, numerous examples of documents pertinent and relating to the institutionof marriage, as well as several sociological and economic theories of future trends inmarriage. The article is based on high quality multiple data sources taken from Japanesecensus reports, relevantly social statistics and nationally representative large-scale surveyssuch as the Statistical Handbook of Japan, the Japanese National Fertility Survey and VitalStatistics of Japan (2015), with scientific commentary from fellow researchers in the field.
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Relations between Australia and the United States have developed for long time notably during World War II. Over the following decades, cooperation has become more intense as Australians adopt many cultural patterns from the Americans. Australia declared and supported US presidents in military operations, which is why some have called Australia, America’s sheriff for working to stabilize this part of the world. One cannot overlook the personal arrangements between leaders that help shape the dynamic of deepening the mutual relations these two nations. Donald Trump’s personal interactions’ with the Prime Ministers of Australia play a significant role in this regard.
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The article analyzes the process of modification of Japan’s foreign policy after Donald Trump’s election as US president. As short- and middle-range aims of Japan’s diplomatic strategy were outlined with expectation of victory of Hillary Clinton, Tokyo was forced to abruptly change its policy. Relying on the neoclassical realist theory, the article examines the complex interaction between the external factors, such as security threats from North Korea or China, and domestic factors both in Japan and the US, that is personal, institutional, societal and economic determinants. It is argued that while it was strategic convergence between Tokyo and Washington that enabled relatively smooth cooperation between Prime Minister Abe and President Trump, internal factors, such as right-wing credentials of both decision makers, distorted and to some extent facilitated this process.
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The China–Japan–Republic of Korea trilateral free trade agreement may become a critical pillar of Asian regionalism, determining future trade and political regime in the global scale. Undoubtedly, this trilateral political dialogue is to be accompanied by parallel talks over competitive, trans-regional projects involving Asia–Pacific partners, with special regard to the Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). However, given the common challenges of the three analysed countries, in particular the unfavourable demographics, reindustrialization, and inefficient domestic demand, it should be noted that the said trilateral dialogue is facing very serious obstacles resulting from, among others, their historical ballast and territorial claims, as well as the intra-regional competition for leadership between Beijing and Tokyo. The aim of the article is to study both multilateral determinants and implications of the future China–Japan–Republic of Korea FTA.
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Homeownership has been in decline in a number of developed societies since the early 2000s driven, primarily, by declining entry among younger households who have been increasingly pushed into the rental sector. This trend has been associated with a growing intergenerational divide, or even conflict, and the emergence of ‘Generation Rent’. This paper explores the conditions surrounding diminishing access to owner-occupation among new households with a focus on the historic maturation of homeownership sectors, the restructuring of the political economy (financialization) around housing wealth and the inter-cohort dynamics surrounding the accumulation and transfer of housing wealth. The paper takes an international perspective drawing on evidence from two parallel, but contrasting cases: Japan and the UK. The analysis illustrates the interrelatedness of interand intra-generational inequalities, with the former reinforcing the latter. It also focuses on the role of families as both a moderator of generational inequity at the micro level as well as an enhancer of socioeconomic inequalities overall.
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Chinese migrants now constitute the largest group of registered ‘foreigners’ in Japan, with over 600,000 documented in 2006. This is the result of an intersection between the Chinese government’s drive for educational and economic success, and Japan’s flexible student visa labour system. It is the product of a ‘normalization’ of mobility amongst young mobile Chinese. Based on 20 months fieldwork in Tokyo, Japan, I explore the ways in which the decision to move is experienced as mundane, and how it is negotiated as a form of ‘everyday practice.’ Through this lens, this article posits multiple relationships between mobility, its limits and how this relates to mobile people’s sense of place in the world.
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It is hard to imagine that after Japan’s miracle post-war growth it would go on to suffer more than two decades of stagnation. Although there have been some short-lived periods of recovery, such as in 1995-96, the average growth rate over the period of 1991-2014 was a mere 1%. Despite historically low interest rates and a series of fiscal stimuli, the growth has not revived. Despite the long economic stagnation, Japan still retains its strength in many areas. Its human and physical capital formations are among the highest in the world. The volume it spends on research and development is equally impressive. It still has world-leading firms and modern technologies. The methodology to be followed here is derived from the aims of the study and comparisons of international statistics provide the main means of addressing the research questions and the objectives of this paper. The study concludes that the neoliberal ‘market-centred’ policies have brought inequality, stagnation, and fiscal crisis to the state. Therefore, a radical critical political economy is required to analyse the situation more objectively, one which would mean increased levels of welfare and people-led measures
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For decades Japanese foreign policy in the Middle East was oriented merely towards economic issues. Its main goal was to secure long-term and reliable deliveries of the Middle East oil, which was crucial to the Japanese economy. Therefore, during the Cold War Japan based its foreign policy in this distant region on the alliance with the United States. Strong relations with the Americans were seen by the government in Tokyo as a guarantee of its oil supplies from that volatile region. On the other hand the Japan-U.S. alliance imposed serious constraints on Japanese independent action in the Middle East. In addition, the tendency to frame foreign policy questions in terms of economic interests has led the Japanese government to underestimating the challenges of relations with the Middle East, an area where vital economic issues cannot be separated so easily from social, political, and strategic questions. The failure of these foreign policy guidelines in the Middle East became apparent in the last decade of the 20th century, and at the beginning of the 21st century, forcing Japan to adopt more active role in the region, and develop more profound relations with the Middle Eastern partners. This new approach of the Japanese diplomacy can be seen in such areas as cultural cooperation (Japan-Arab Dialogue Forum), or political involvement (Iran, Iraq and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) in the region.
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The European Union and Japan have clearly been the heavyweights of international trade for decades. They are the first and the fourth largest economies in the world, respectively. Together they account for nearly one third of the global GDP and almost a quarter of all international trade. And yet their bilateral trade has been underperforming in recent years. Trade in goods actually declined since 2000 – both in relative and absolute terms – and trade in services, as well as foreign direct investment, clearly do not reflect the clout of these two advanced economies. However, since 2010 there have been serious attempts from the Japanese government and the European Commission at finding a way to revive and foster the EU‑Japan bilateral trade and economic relationship. In March 2013 they decided to launch negotiations in order to establish a comprehensive free trade area, or FTA. This article describes developments leading up to that point and presents an analysis of problems affecting the EU‑Japan trade. It does so in the context of a recent surge of international activity as regards trade liberalization through FTA negotiations following the effective failure of global trade talks in the World Trade Organization forum.
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Historia ceremonii herbacianej w Japonii

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Tea Ceremony is something extremely complex and simple at the same time. On one hand, it can be regarded as an expression of philosophy, spirituality, culture and aesthetics of the Far East, can be analyzed through the lens of Zen Buddhism, also indirectly through Taoism that contributed to its development, it can be positioned in the Chinese and Japanese culture and history. This is also a stringent ceremonial with lots of extremely detailed and precise rules and principles. On the other hand – it remains a simple common activity of drinking tea in an atmosphere of friendliness and harmony, being also very universal and natural. On one hand, it is a sophisticated art, on the other – an overall way of life. The complexity does not exclude simplicity, when the simplest appears to be the most difficult. Zen and the tea ceremony are connected by the belief in the possibility of reaching a deep dimension of everyday life and finding depth in what is ordinary. Both in Zen and in Tea Ceremony, more important than the closed system of rules are few hints and own practice – it is not possible to reach their core through words or through theory. Tea Ceremony in the spirit of Zen teaches stretching for Excellence, were the experience of the "here and now" enables reaching of happiness, unconditioned of fulfillment of desires - in this sense, it remains valid and alive regardless of existing etiquette, forms, methods of teaching, interpretation.
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PURPOSE: This theoretical study seeks to understand how the development of ‘Transnational Business Feminism’ in response to the 2008 financial crisis, was implemented in 2013 through Japan’s ‘Womenomics’ program. The paper further examines how efficient this said form of neoliberal feminist economic program was in in addressing vulnerabilities in the Japanese financial system during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. Finally, it looks at how the pandemic has shifted conversations around the future of gender and finance in Japan through the Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) framework. DESIGN/METHOD: Drawing on a variety of sources, this paper uses a case study research methodology as well as statistical data from a variety of sources to draw theoretical conclusions on the specific case of Japan’s economy. RESULTS/FINDINGS: This paper reveals that the programs implemented by the Japanese government failed to address existing gender inequalities and systemic risk in the Japanese economy, and that women in Japan were hit much harder by the repercussions of the pandemic, in spite of Womenomics policies. ORIGINALITY/VALUE: This study offers insights into the effectiveness of neoliberal feminist agendas in addressing systemic financial and economic risk, in order to help optimize the potential of ESG.
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The East Asian region has never been among the priority directions of Polish foreign policy – only a few percent of Polish diplomatic engagement was focused on the entire Asian continent. In turn, this small percentage of Polish commitment was divided among all countries in the region. Nonetheless, it is worth noting, that in the examined period (2003–2017), a several very important bilateral agreements were concluded – including agreements that Japan decided to make only with a narrow group of countries. In the following paper I decided to analyze the last 14 years of bilateral relations between Poland and Japan. The article uses both language sources (Polish and Japanese), as well as a statistical data. At the end of the paper will be shown, that even though relations are developing in the right direction, it should be considered whether the pace of their development will not prevent them from intensification.
Human Affairs
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2012
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vol. 22
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issue 2
196-213
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This paper focuses on a specific aspect of a Japanese rite of passage called Shichigosan. Although its origins go back to premodern Japan, its contemporary pattern truly reflects the modern living conditions of the Japanese. Today the ritual is one of the most popular family celebrations. Commercialization has significantly influenced the pattern of celebration in the postwar period and as a result, consumption practices have become inherent parts of the ritual. The paper examines this development from a historical perspective. Furthermore, it discusses the process through which consumption practices contribute to the event’s significance, not diminishing but rather enhancing its importance in the observers’ eyes. Conspicuous consumption thus becomes a creative two-directional process, one which is sustained by families’ aspirations and desires, and one which is informed by forces emanating from the commercial sector and from the media.
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This article deals with the historical and contemporary Polish‑Japanese relations in various aspects of cooperation: political, military, economic and cultural types. Author discusses the traditions of Polish‑Japanese military cooperation since the Russo‑Japanese War to 1944 year, which is important in the context of the fact that during the Second World War, Poland and Japan fought on the opposite side. Despite this, two countries work together, as a common opponent was the Stalinist Soviet Union. In the following section discusses the renewal of the Polish‑Japanese relations after 1957 and their development, including the attitude of the Japanese authorities to “Solidarity” movement in 1980‑1981 to Polish‑Japanese relations after 1989. The author ends the with text summary and an attempt to outlook mutual the cooperation both countries.
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Improving student understanding of a foreign language culture is anything but a peripheral issue in the teaching of a foreign language. This pilot study reports on a second year required English course in a university in Japan that took a Literature Circles approach, where students were asked to read short stories out of class and then discuss these stories in class. Although students reported that they did not gain any special insights into the target language culture presented, they did report that reading fiction as source material for classroom activity helps with the acquisition of a vocabulary set that is more closely associated with lifestyle and culture. The results suggest that further study is warranted. Procedures of this pilot study are described and interpreted in the context of the English education system in Japan.
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