Search results

1

Pojetí republikanismu před ustavením Československé republiky

100%

Doubek V., Miller S.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

|

2018

|

vol. 116

|

issue 4

953-966

EN

The study analyses some aspects of the dynamic development of the end of the First World War, which led to the declaration of an independent Czechoslovakia. In particular, it concentrates on the planting of the republican character of this state as not a matter-of-course, only a gradually adopted part of the political plan and the programme of foreign resistance, headed by the later president T. G. Masaryk. In connection with the controversy over the character of the future state during the world war the text also contemplates the earlier considerations of the Czech political thought of the 19th century on the issue of the republic and the republican form of government.

2

Anti-corruption discourse as a feature of political system change. The case of the Dutch Republic in 1650–1651

88%

Kozmanová I.

Littera Scripta

|

2016

|

issue 1

73-84

EN

This article puts forward a proposal for the broadening of the research agenda on corruption through a twofold change in perspectives, namely concentrating on the “corruption talk” in place of essentialist views, and addressing anti-corruption in place of corruption. An evaluation is undertaken of the role of anti-corruption discourse in times of political change on the basis of the Dutch Republic in the midseventeenth century. Analyzing the exemplary speech by Adriaen Veth against corruption, given to the Great Assembly in 1651, and the role of the figure of Cornelis Musch, this article depicts the anti-corruption discourse as an important tool of argumentation for the newly established regime to gain legitimacy with regards to both its theoretical foundation and for the process of coming to terms with the previous regime.

3

The Irish Republican Army, or the nationalistic face of terrorism. A theoretical context and selected examples

88%

Konarski W.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2020

|

issue 3 (376)

143-156

EN

The name the Irish Republican Army (IRA) first appeared in the news on August the 30th, 1919. This is when the sworn armed groups fighting in the Irish War of Independence 1919-1921, first, with the British police forces, and then with the regular army, were given that name. The organisation of the IRA of that time can be described, as seen from the perspective of the experiences of the 20th century, as an armed partisan structure, and oriented towards the national independence aspect, practically the first such organization in 20th century Europe. However, a considerable number of British, but also Irish, academics, journalists, and especially politicians, considered the IRA as a terrorist organisation. This statement, however, practically ends any discussion. It means disregarding the individual motivations of the armed Republicans, but, especially, ignoring the political-legal context of the acts of violence. Indeed, it is very difficult to distinguish terror, based on the ideological and political criteria, from the struggle for national liberation par excellence. This distinction has no chance of receiving a fully objective interpretation, especially by the politicians. However, the supporters, and/or performers of these actions, always use the ideological arguments, overusing them intentionally. The substantive coverage of the considerations presented here is characterized by two deliberately selected approaches, namely the chronological and the factual ones. Thus the last one hundred years’ epoch remains a background for the proposed narration regarding the facts and events which remain the objects for reflections put forward in the article. The narration focuses on research issues which refer to the analysis of, successively: 1/ interdependencies of Nationalism and Republicanism in the Irish tradition, 2/ the violence perceived as partisan or terrorist activeness in historical, contemporary, and spatial contexts, 3/ the Irish nation’s alterations in chronological perspective, 4/ the author’s typology of premises for military resistance and its exemplification.

4

Servi legum sumus, or We Are Slaves of the Law

88%

Zajadło J.

Constitutional Review

|

2024

|

issue 1

7-18

EN

In the discussion on the procedure for determining the risk of violating the rule of law under Article 7 (1) in connection with Article 2 TEU, it is sometimes alleged that it is difficult clearly to determine the content of the term “rule of law”. Thus, according to some, the whole procedure suffers from the flaw of arbitrary assessment, since allegedly there is no precisely defined standard of assessment. The main purpose of this article is to show that despite everything we are able to reconstruct the hard core of the rule of law, because its concept is deeply rooted in the long history of European legal culture. The author shows it on the example of Cicero’s political philosophy, especially on one sentence from his famous Oratio pro Cluentio: “The law has its ministers in our magistrates, its interpreters in our jurors; it makes servants of us all only to set us free”.

5

Czy o to walczyliśmy? Amerykański spór o historię: pomiędzy republikańską a liberalną narracją w badaniach nad myślą polityczną

75%

Dulęba Ł.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2017

|

issue 48

141-166

EN

Modern reading of political thought of the American Revolution is very diverse. The aim of the article is twofold. Firstly, it is to present interpretations which form the canon of modern political thought. Secondly, I intend to confront these perspectives. The authors who represent the republican view (B. Bailyn, G.S. Wood, J.G.A. Pocock) aim to present pre‑revolutionary era as a time deeply rooted in classic republican pattern. An ideological end of republican vision fall during the boost of commercial relations, which in the meantime had changed the hierarchy of values. The liberal myth, which had one of its most important propagators in Louis Hartz, has aimed to prove the strength and continuity, which was called “possessive individualism”. The paper attempts to disprove the idea of domination of liberal values during the beginnings of the United States.

6

Shaping the Modern Discourse on Liberty: French Intellectual Debates from Revolution to Dreyfus

75%

Budzanowska A., Pietrzykowski T.

Avant

|

2019

|

vol. 10

|

issue 1

43-57

EN

The age of intellectual debates in France between the Revolution in 1789 and the Dreyfus Affair at the turn of the centuries is one of the key sources that enable the understanding of the modern political culture. It concerns, in particular, the modern concept of liberty that became one of the defining values shaping the European political discourse. Thus, the post-revolutionary France remains an extremely valuable source of inspiration when revisiting the essence of many contemporary debates in political philosophy and public discourse. Most of the ideas and arguments in circulation today echo the debates over the liberty, reason, and society that dominated the intellectual climate of that period in the French political history or, at least, heavily depend on the foundational ideas formulated then and there. Thus, they are worth reconsidering.

7

Proteuszowy świat myśli politycznej

75%

Jaskólski M.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

|

2016

|

vol. 38

|

issue 4

45-55

EN

Referring to the Proteus myth, the author analyses the causes of changes taking place in the image and reception of political ideas and doctrines. He points to the current Polish ideological dispute between the advocates of liberal democracy and concepts of republicanism. Another question concerns the problem of interpretation and its various levels, where metamorphosis usually occurs. Finally, the author points to the problem of choosing tradition as a factor supporting the transformation of ideas and their impact on the current political set-up in Poland.

8

Antická pozitivní versus moderní negativní? Komparace pojetí svobody Benjamina Constanta a Isaiaha Berlina

75%

Květina J.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

|

2013

|

vol. 61

|

issue 4

545-564

EN

Berlin’s dichotomy of positive and negative freedom is, in academic quarters, such a well-discussed problem that any kind of attempt at a fresh interpretation confronts the real risk of developing what has already been said and, in that way, of losing argumentational strength. The aim of this article does not, however, consist in contributing to the debate about the viability of Berlin’s distinction, but in calling into question the stereotypical reception of the intellectual sources that Berlin was inspired by. In the framework of the line of traditions of liberal thinking, which, among others, Berlin himself identifies, is his distinction between two concepts of freedom, usually identified with the principles and intellectual meaning of the classification by the French enlightenment thinker Benjamin Constant. The mixing up of Berlin’s polarity positive–negative with Constant’s scheme of ancient–modern is probably a consequence of the numerous common points in the two conceptions. These, however, lead to the automatic perception of agreement even in those principles for which the level of coherence is questionable. The main aim of this study is, therefore, to indicate, firstly, the proven fact that for a consistent comparison of Berlin’s and Constant’s dichotomy one must examine, in addition to the commonly analysed relationship of negative freedom with modern freedom, the connectedness of the opposite poles in the two cases. Secondly, and more importantly, the thesis is advanced that, in its fundamental properties, Constant’s thinking goes beyond the liberal tradition and points towards Pettit’s republican principles of freedom as non-dominance. This conclusion ultimately leads to the recognition that Berlin’s and Constant’s division cannot be seen as homogenous.

9

The Aristotelian Criticism of the Liberal Foundations of Modern State

75%

Gajek M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2016

|

vol. 45

272–287

EN

The paper discusses some fundamental differences between Aristotelian and modern conceptions of the state. It focuses its attention on the early liberal thinkers, such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, and contrasts the theory of state developed by them with the classical republican ideal described by Aristotle. As I will demonstrate main differences come down to (1) distinct ideas concerning the state’s origins (and especially human motivations behind establishing the state), (2) divergent convictions about the role of the state and its ethical dimension; and finally (3) different beliefs concerning basic feelings and passions which sustain existence of political community. I argue that on the basis of Stagirite’s philosophy it is possible to question whether civic association described by the precursors of liberal political thought is actually the state. In conclusion, I signalize the problem of serious limitations of contemporary liberal democracies (or even their internal contradictions) resulting from their attempt to follow an ideal of an ideologically neutral state.

10

Mieszczański republikanizm? Myśl polityczna Sebastiana Petrycego z Pilzna (1554–1626)

75%

Frączek A.

Zapiski Historyczne

|

2023

|

vol. 88

|

issue 3

59-86

EN

In 1605, Sebastian Petrycy of Pilzno published a translation of Aristotle’s Politics into Polish, accompanied by his own original commentary. In this work, Petrycy presented an image of an idealized state that served as a model to address the issues within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The article deals with the political thought of Sebastian Petrycy, whom older historiography regarded as a monarchist or even a supporter of absolutism. Contrary to this categorisation, the article analyses the philosopher’s oeuvre through the lens of early modern republican theory. Central to the analysis are the fundamental elements of early modern republicanism such as virtue, freedom, law, and a mixed system. Petrycy critiques the implementation of these principles within the noblemen’s republicanism and proposes modifications to move towards what is defined for the purposes of this article as ‘burghers’ republicanism’. Utilizing Quentin Skinner’s methodology, Petrycy’s work has been set against the political crisis of Zebrzydowski’s rebellion, and its political significance has been demonstrated, despite its academic nature. Additionally, an attempt has been made to highlight Petrycy’s commitment to the royal camp, alongside the hypothesis that the author was expressing the intentions of senators-regalists while simultaneously seeking to improve the situation of non-noble citizens in the country.

11

Dwa oblicza republikanizmu? Wspólnota polityczna w filozofii Immanuela Kanta i Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego

75%

Maciej W.

Studies in Global Ethics and Global Education

|

2018

|

issue 10

31-46

PL

This article is an attempt at comparative analysis of works of two representatives of the republican tradition, that is Immanuel Kant and Andrzej FryczModrzewski. This analysis is based on the following works: Perpetual peace, Doctrine of Right and On the Reform of the Republic. I will compare how both of the authors understand the notion of the republic and other notions such as law, freedom and general will. At the end of this paper I will show how the two republican traditions influenced today’s political reality.

12

Nie-dominacja jako niezależność socjoekonomiczna. Neorepublikańskie argumenty za bezwarunkowym dochodem podstawowym

71%

Marczewski P.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

|

2014

|

vol. 12

|

issue 2

41-58

EN

According to Philip Pettit „a republican state promoting freedom as non-domination must promote socioeconomic independence”. The article is an attempt to answer the question if introducing unconditional basic income should be perceived as a policy promoting freedom as non-domination. The author argues that one can justify it by means of two arguments, proposed by Philip Pettit: the first argument allows the state to secure people who are economically and socially dependent from forms of domination they would have to endure otherwise; the second one allows for a more undominated choice on the part of people who are economically and socially dominated. Republican justification differs significantly from arguments in favour of unconditional basic income formulated by Philippe Van Parijs on the grounds of so-called „real libertarianism”. The author argues that by treating unconditional basic income as promotion of non-domination, instead of providing individuals with means to pursue their conceptions of good life, we do not have to finance it only with incomes independent from individual talents and limit its introduction to affluent countries.

PL

Według Philipa Pettita „republikańskie państwo promujące wolność jako nie-dominację musi działać na rzecz niezależności socjoekonomicznej”. W artykule rozważono pytanie, czy wprowadzenie powszechnego dochodu podstawowego jest działaniem promującym wolność jako nie-dominację. Autor dowodzi, że to rozwiązanie może być umotywowane dwoma argumentami, zaproponowanymi przez Pettita jako republikańskie uzasadnienie zabezpieczenia przez państwo niezależności socjoekonomicznej: 1) pozwala państwu zabezpieczyć osoby zależne ekonomicznie i społecznie przed formami dominacji, którym byłyby poddane, gdyby nie wprowadzono gwarancji dochodu podstawowego i 2) zwiększa możliwość podejmowania nieskrępowanych, wolnych wyborów przez osoby zależne ekonomicznie i społecznie. Republikańskie uzasadnienie różni się znacząco od argumentów na rzecz powszechnego dochodu podstawowego, sformułowanych przez Philippe’a Van Parijsa na gruncie tak zwanego „rzeczywistego libertarianizmu”. Autor artykułu dowodzi, że uznając bezwarunkowy dochód podstawowy za zwiększenie nie-dominacji, a nie za zapewnienie jednostkom środków do realizacji swoich koncepcji dobrego życia, nie musimy finansować go jedynie z zysków powstających niezależnie od jednostkowych talentów i ograniczać jego wprowadzenia jedynie do krajów zamożnych.

13

Dlaczego trzeba wprowadzić bezwarunkowy dochód podstawowy? Recenzja z książki Guya Standinga “Basic Income: And How Can We Make It Happen”

71%

Ratajczak M.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

|

2017

|

vol. 24

|

issue 2

167-178

EN

A review of Guy Standing's book "Basic Income: And How Can We Make It Happen". Author reconstructs two general lines of Standing's argumentation for introducing basic income: the analysis of the "corruption of capitalism" in the context of the eponymical publication from year 2016 on the one hand, and the presentation of UBI as a universal law providing the freedom from domination.

PL

Tekst jest recenzją książki Guya Standinga, stanowiącej przystępne i kompleksowe wprowadzenie do problematyki bezwarunkowego dochodu podstawowego (BDP). Autor przygląda się, w kontekście niedawnych publikacji Standinga, dwóm najważniejszym liniom argumentacyjnym za wprowadzeniem BDP: z jednej strony analizy „korupcji” współczesnego kapitalizmu, a z drugiej - przedstawienia BDP jako obywatelskiego prawa do bycia wolnym od dominacji.

14

Edukacja liberalna we współczesnej myśli politycznej

63%

Grygieńć J.

Kultura i Edukacja

|

2013

|

issue 3(96)

7-27

EN

The article is devoted to the problem of the place ascribed to liberal education (and most of all to humanities as constituting its essential part) in contemporary political thought. In times when many rightist as well as leftist thinkers diagnose a crisis of liberal democracy and its educational system, displaying much anxiety about the still-lowering level of citizens’ willingness to participate in a public sphere, some of them propose their diagnosis of such situation and postulates of reform aimed at raising the level of citizens’ engagement in democratic life. One of the means to achieving that goal is implementation of the idea of liberal education, which might work in favor of students’ character development, their acquisition of a holistic view of reality, and their consciousness of the fact of overlapping character of relations binding individual and communal wellbeing. The article aims at presenting theoretical ways of defending humanities in face of contemporary restatement of the role of liberal education in Western societies. The course of argument is following: firstly the transition made in XXth century from “liberal education” to “education to liberalism” (resulting in specialization and vocational character of science) will be traced. Then the opinions of critics to such model of education will be shown, focusing on the representatives of three political doctrines: republicanism, communitarianism and liberalism. In case of each of these group of thinkers their characteristic attitude towards humanities, will be displayed.

15

Z Afganistanu pod Filippi, czyli rzecz o standardach badawczych [Rec. Steele Brand, Killing for the Republic: Citizen-Soldiers and the Roman Way of War, Baltimore 2019]

63%

Faszcza M. N.

Wieki Stare i Nowe

|

2022

|

vol. 17

|

issue 22

1-14

EN

This review article deals with Steele Brand’s monograph devoted to the motivation of the Republican Roman soldiers in the context of the idea of citizen soldiery and civic militarism. From the reviewer’s perspective it is a starting point to illustrate a broader tendency, manifested in the gradual relegation of military issues to the margins of academic life, which is reflected in re-linking them with military institutions. Military academies were not established to conduct classical or even historical studies, and their primary goal is to educate officers, so this may lead to historiographical deformations resulting from ignorance of socio-cultural conditions.

PL

Artykuł recenzyjny traktuje o monografii autorstwa Steele’a Branda poświęconej motywacjom, jakie przyświecały żołnierzom republikańskiego Rzymu. Jej omówienie stanowi punkt wyjścia do zobrazowania szerszej tendencji, przejawiającej się sukcesywnym spychaniem problematyki militarnej na margines życia naukowego, co skutkuje ponownym powiązaniem prowadzonych badań z instytucjami wojskowymi. Wziąwszy pod uwagę, że te ostatnie nie zostały powołane do prowadzenia działalności stricte naukowej, lecz ich nadrzędnym celem jest kształcenie oficerów, prowadzi to do zubożenia dyskursu i powstania deformacji historiograficznych płynących z nieznajomości uwarunkowań społeczno-kulturowych.

16

Myśl polityczna Jacka Kuronia w perspektywie republikańskiej

63%

Miksa J.

Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris

|

2021

|

vol. 52

|

issue 1

30-66

EN

In this paper I propose to analyze the thought of Jacek Kuroń, a prominent oppositionist during communist era and an important politician after 1989, from republican point of view. Kuroń’s thought is analyzed with the use of Hannah Arendt’s notion of public sphere and Philip Pettit’s theory of republicanism. The major themes proposed by Pettit appear in Kuroń’s thought as well, the most important of those being the citizens commitment in public life. Kuroń, as an active politician was responsible for building institutions of a liberal state after 1989, including a free market – a change that caused a dramatically high level of unemployment. In his political writings which are referred to in this paper we can find Kuroń’s comments on economical dimension of democracy and proposals of solutions to the problem of economical inequalities that are formulated in a way that might be interpreted as coherent with the philosophy of republicanism.

PL

W artykule przedstawiam propozycję analizy myśli Jacka Kuronia w perspektywie republikańskiej. Wykorzystuję przy tym pojęcie przestrzeni wspólnej w wersji zaproponowanej przez Hannę Arendt oraz pojęcia podstawowe dla współczesnego republikanizmu w wersji zaproponowanej przez Philipa Pettita. Podstawowe tematy i pojęcia obecne w filozofii Pettita są obecne także w myśli Kuronia, w szczególności przekonanie o potrzebie aktywnego uczestnictwa obywateli w życiu publicznym. Jako polityk aktywny Kuroń brał udział w budowaniu instytucji państwowych po 1989 roku, z wprowadzeniem modelu gospodarki wolnorynkowej włącznie. Zmiany te przełożyły się na pojawienie się dramatycznie wysokiego poziomu bezrobocia. W myśli politycznej Kuronia można znaleźć uwagi i propozycje rozwiązań tego problemu, które można zinterpretować jako zgodne z duchem republikanizmu.

17

Politický dialog Łukasze Opalińského jako odraz ambivalentní tradice polského republikanismu

63%

Květina J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

|

2017

|

vol. 115

|

issue 4

1017-1045

EN

By the analysis of the particular political dialogue Rozmowa Plebana z Ziemianinem written by Łukasz Opaliński in the 17th century, this study aims to interpret the early modern concept of Polish identity within the framework of ancient tradition of a good commonwealth. Moreover, paying particular attention to the values of liberty, equality and legality, one is allowed to assume that the aforementioned Polish tradition resembles the attributes of European republicanism that were typical of distinctive Western European political thought of that time. Applying the methods of discourse analysis, it is possible to identify important and specific changes concerning Opaliński´s concept of a dialogue in comparison with an older Polish tradition of the same genre. Hence, one can claim that Opaliński´s fictional figures does not represent a typical clash between desirable and undesirable political ideas, but are supposed to reflect symbolic internal and indispensable ambivalence within the concept of Polish identity regarding specific interpretation of liberty, political equality and common good.

18

John Adams, republikanin, konserwatysta czy liberał - o unikalności amerykańskiego doświadczenia

63%

Tulejski T.

Horyzonty Polityki

|

2023

|

vol. 14

|

issue 46

165-184

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The research aim of the article is to answer the question of whether John Adams’ political thought situates him in the conservative, liberal or republican mainstream. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main problem analysed in the article is a discussion of the essential elements of John Adams’ political reflection, such as the intellectual inspiration of the 2nd President of the United States, his concept of human nature, his analysis of the structure of political society and the mechanics of political system. They are presented from the perspective of the uniquely American social and political experience. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The scholarly analysis includes the examination of the key elements of John Adams’ social and political philosophy from the perspectives of conservatism, liberalism and republicanism. It makes possible to conclude that these fundamental categories that define these three styles of political thinking in Europe cannot be directly applied to American conditions. The article argues that, despite the fundamental differences between the American and European political traditions, John Adams’ thought is not conservative in nature, but much closer to Neo-Roman republicanism and the classical preliberal and liberal traditions. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The article demonstrates that the study of political categories must always be done in the context of some particular political and social tradition and political experience.

PL

CEL BADAWCZY: Celem artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy myśl polityczna Johna Adamsa sytuuje go w nurcie konserwatywnym, liberalnym czy republikańskim. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Głównym problemem analizowanym w artykule jest omówienie zasadniczych elementów refleksji politycznej Johna Adamsa, takich jak inspiracje intelektualne drugiego prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych, jego koncepcja natury ludzkiej, analiza struktury społeczeństwa politycznego oraz mechaniki ustrojowej. Przedstawione są one z punktu widzenia unikalnego amerykańskiego doświadczenia społecznego i politycznego. PROCES WYWODU: Analiza naukowa polega na refleksji nad kluczowymi elementami filozofii społecznej i politycznej Johna Adamsa z punktu widzenia konserwatyzmu, liberalizmu oraz republikanizmu. Pozwala to na stwierdzenie, że fundamentalne kategorie definiujące w Europie te trzy style politycznego myślenia nie mogą być wprost zastosowane do warunków amerykańskich. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Artykuł dowodzi, że mimo zasadniczych różnic pomiędzy amerykańską i europejską tradycją polityczną myśl Johna Adamsa nie ma charakteru konserwatywnego, lecz znacznie bliżej jej do neoromańskiego republikanizmu oraz klasycznej tradycji preliberalnej i liberalnej. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Artykuł pokazuje, że badanie kategorii politycznych zawsze musi być dokonywane w kontekście określonej tradycji politycznej, społecznej oraz doświadczenia politycznego.

19

Freedom in community or freedom in solitude? Remarks on republicanism and liberalism

63%

Bocheński T. A.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica

|

2017

|

vol. 45

|

issue 7

17-24

EN

A political thought is an area of legitimate contribution of competitive ideas. Liberalism is often considered as one of the most significant and influential paradigm of our times. The common acceptance of liberal conception of negative liberty can be acknowledged as a proof of this tendency. At the same time clearly visible is the renaissance of republicanism and the conception of active participation in governance. The liberal and republican assumptions have similar roots but different social practices. The aim of this paper is to examine in contrast liberal and republican conceptions of freedom. The author discusses main categories of both political traditions: state, commonwealth, common good, citizen, individualism, law, limited power and freedom itself. The author attempts to compere republicanism and liberalism as the competitive political paradigms to show the dilemmas of modern states and societies where there is no common consensus referring to definition of liberty.

20

Tradycja republikańska i jej znaczenie dla współczesnej edukacji obywatelskiej

63%

Czerwiński K.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio J – Paedagogia-Psychologia

|

2017

|

vol. 30

|

issue 3

EN

The idea of republicanism derived from antiquity, inter alia, from Aristotle and Cicero, was developed in the modern political philosophy of such great thinkers as Machiavelli and Rousseau, and it proceeds contemporary thanks to, inter alia, Arendt, Skinner and Pettit, but without chances to become a dominant stream; republicanism is sometimes also treated only as a specific adjustment of liberalism. The most significant elements of the Republican tradition are: an aspiration to create a powerful state, emphasis on the importance of common good and the responsibility of citizens for shaping their republic. The implementation of the idea of republicanism provides an opportunity for functioning not merely the procedural democracy but also the substantive one, and in such a way it appreciates civil society. Therefore, the great importance is ascribed to civic education which is mostly focused on a formation of so-called “Republican virtues” such as respect for the law, social commitment, debate skills, courage to proclaim own opinions, honour, diligence and the like. The civic education might best be implemented in an informal way, through participation in the various institutions typical for civil society.

PL

Idea republikanizmu, wywodząca się ze starożytności (m.in. Arystoteles, Cycero), rozwinęła się w nowożytnej filozofii politycznej (m.in. Machiavelli, Rousseau) i jest kontynuowana współcześnie (m.in. Arendt, Skinner, Pettit), nigdy jednak nie stała się dominującym nurtem. Republikanizm bywa również traktowany jedynie jako swoista korekta liberalizmu. Najważniejsze składniki tradycji republikańskiej to dążenie do zbudowania silnego państwa, podkreślanie znaczenia dobra wspólnego oraz odpowiedzialność obywateli za kształt republiki. Realizacja idei republikańskich daje szansę funkcjonowaniu demokracji substancjalnej, a nie tylko proceduralnej, tym samym dowartościowując społeczeństwo obywatelskie. Duże znaczenie ma edukacja obywatelska, głównie nastawiona na kształtowanie tzw. cnót republikańskich, jak m.in. poszanowanie prawa, zaangażowanie społeczne, umiejętność debatowania, odwaga głoszenia opinii, honor, pracowitość itp. Edukacja obywatelska najpełniej może być realizowana w sposób nieformalny, przez uczestnictwo w różnych instytucjach społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.

Refine search results

Pojetí republikanismu před ustavením Československé republiky

Anti-corruption discourse as a feature of political system change. The case of the Dutch Republic in 1650–1651

The Irish Republican Army, or the nationalistic face of terrorism. A theoretical context and selected examples

Servi legum sumus, or We Are Slaves of the Law

Czy o to walczyliśmy? Amerykański spór o historię: pomiędzy republikańską a liberalną narracją w badaniach nad myślą polityczną

Shaping the Modern Discourse on Liberty: French Intellectual Debates from Revolution to Dreyfus

Proteuszowy świat myśli politycznej

Antická pozitivní versus moderní negativní? Komparace pojetí svobody Benjamina Constanta a Isaiaha Berlina

The Aristotelian Criticism of the Liberal Foundations of Modern State

Mieszczański republikanizm? Myśl polityczna Sebastiana Petrycego z Pilzna (1554–1626)

Dwa oblicza republikanizmu? Wspólnota polityczna w filozofii Immanuela Kanta i Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego

Nie-dominacja jako niezależność socjoekonomiczna. Neorepublikańskie argumenty za bezwarunkowym dochodem podstawowym

Dlaczego trzeba wprowadzić bezwarunkowy dochód podstawowy? Recenzja z książki Guya Standinga “Basic Income: And How Can We Make It Happen”

Edukacja liberalna we współczesnej myśli politycznej

Z Afganistanu pod Filippi, czyli rzecz o standardach badawczych [Rec. Steele Brand, Killing for the Republic: Citizen-Soldiers and the Roman Way of War, Baltimore 2019]

Myśl polityczna Jacka Kuronia w perspektywie republikańskiej

Politický dialog Łukasze Opalińského jako odraz ambivalentní tradice polského republikanismu

John Adams, republikanin, konserwatysta czy liberał - o unikalności amerykańskiego doświadczenia

Freedom in community or freedom in solitude? Remarks on republicanism and liberalism

Tradycja republikańska i jej znaczenie dla współczesnej edukacji obywatelskiej