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Ve vládě v čase krize. Memoáry Františka Ježka

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This paper focuses on the memoirs of František Ježek, politician and member of the Czechoslovak National Democratic Party (after 1935 the National Union). In 1938 Ježek was a member of the Czechoslovak cabinet as the Minister of Public Health. His text is one of the most important unpublished Czechoslovak memoirs dealing with the topic of the Munich Agreement in 1938. This manuscript provides detailed information on the activities of the Czechoslovak government and political parties in the critical year of 1938.
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Although bold ideas at the end of the 1950s foreseeing the end of steam railway locomotion did not pan out, motorisation and electrification did become fundamental concepts of the generously conceived modernisation of Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) after the Second World War. Turbinisation, which was one of the alternatives to the programmes mentioned, was not taken forward. Mazutisation was more of a regressive – emergency – programme. Militarisation relating to the existence of power blocs reminds us still today of the division of the country into a north and south part, each covered by different electric locomotive systems. Locomotives manufactured by domestic industry, in particular Škoda Plzeň and Českomoravská-Kolben-Daněk (ĆKD) were unrivalled in East Europe from the 1950s to the 1980s, despite the lack of high quality material available, and were comparable to Western products in terms of quality. Not only are their newest models mainstays of railway transport within the Czech Republic and Slovakia, but many of the locomotives and railcars have only recently come out of operation, or are still being used, sometimes even after fifty or more years of service.
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This article deals with the issue of the economic and trade relations between Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the period between 1918 and 1938. This article is a shortened version of the doctoral thesis defended in June 2016 at Department of History of the Masaryk University in Brno, and it focuses on the issue of trade relations and the overall development of the economic relations between the two countries. In this analysed period, the two countries were close allies and had developed intensive economic relations, and our goal is to thoroughly research the economic relations between Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia as well as the interdependence of political and economic relations between the two countries.
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The study gives a comparative analysis of Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC), which were chosen as unique examples of success and failure of national sections of Communist international among interwar Europe. The aim of the submitted research is to explain the paradoxical success of CPC sharply contrasted with the marginalization of CPGB. Historical fact that communists ideas were much less popular in Great Britain, a country with the highly developed capitalist system, than in a young Czechoslovak republic, completely turns over the expectations based on the classical texts of Marxist philosophers. The comparison of the organizational evolution of CPGB and CPC, their integration to the national political systems and possibilities of delegitimizations of symbolic pillars of British and Czechoslovak society can stress the causes of stability or instability of societies, in which these branches of communist movement worked. The inquiry that analyzes side by side the impact of two-party and multi-party political system, the role of social implication of open world of empire and small linguistic closed nation, a monarchy and president office as symbols of political and social stability can explore a new perspective on the research of the broad topic of interwar communist movement. Chosen type of individualizing comparison analysis put differences above consistent features in the attempt to highlight causes of openness of Czechoslovak society to the radical left ideology of Marxism-Leninism in the examined era.
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he paper aims at characterising the situation related to the re-emigration of Poles from Czechoslovakia to the Western and Northern Territories: historical background, personal motivations of the re-emigrants, travel conditions and re-arranging life in the Polish-German border area. However, it is not possible to fully highlight this issue without considering additional contexts, such as the conditions of residence before the war and in particular: the period between 1945 and 1948, from the end of the war to the moment of departure. The authors distinguish several key factors that can be considered as determinants of the integration of re-emigrants from the areas of eastern Slovakia. The decisive issue was the time of arrival and the fact that most farms that were habitable were occupied by settlers who had arrived earlier. What seems particularly interesting, this issue did not affect the decision on the direction of transport of re-emigrants. Even though the National Repatriation Office had knowledge about the fact that there were not enough farms and land in the district (powiat), the re-emigrants were directed to the West. What is more, the Przewóz commune in 1948 was only colonized in 40%, but this probably indicates that these were rather unattractive areas than forgotten ones. Relevant materials for the present study were collected during a query in the Archives of New Files in Warsaw, the most valuable ones coming from the files of the State Repatriation Office in Łódź together with reports of provincial branches in Rzeszów and Wrocław. Thanks also to the resources from the files of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it was possible to obtain the information necessary to outline the broader pre-war context, mainly on the basis of notes of the Polish consular institutions in Košice and Uzhhorod. The archival material was supplemented and confronted with the recollections of the re-emigrants, collected by the authors of the text using the spoken history method.
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The article is focused upon the issue of the tourism in Czechoslovakia after the WWII. The article depicts differences between the Czech Tourist Club (Klub českých turistů) and the Czechoslovak Tourist Society (Československá obec turistická) with respect to other development of the Czech tourism. The author analyses the statements that on the one side perceive touring as a part of the tourism and on the other perceive it as a part of the physical exercise. The text deals also with a political influence and standings of the political parties, first and foremost of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (Komunistická strana Československa). The work makes use of the archive sources from the Czech National Archive.
Umění (Art)
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2022
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vol. 70
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issue 1
19-37
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At the turn of 1946 and 1947, ten Soviet architects affiliated with the Academy of Architecture in Moscow visited Czechoslovakia. Over the course of two months, they visited eighteen towns and cities. They were interested in historical, modern and contemporary architecture, as well as in the methods of post-war reconstruction, and visited many institutions associated with architecture. They also organised several lectures. The Soviet architects engaged in debates with their Czechoslovak counterparts on the architecture of both countries and appear to have genuinely sought common ground between them. This study has two main goals. The first is to answer the question of whether, prior to the 1948 coup d’état, the Soviet delegation might already have been attempting to promote the ideas of socialist realism in Czechoslovakia. To this end I will examine the activities and opinions of the Soviet architects as revealed during their visits to Brno and Prague. From Brno we have mainly records of discussions between Soviet and Brno-based architects linked to interwar functionalism and the local school of architecture. These documents reveal a search for points in common during the creation of socialist architecture, as well as a revaluation of modernism and the relationship to folk architecture. In Prague, the Soviet visitors gave several lectures and discussions in which they provided information about Soviet architecture, while making clear their allegiance to socialist realism. My second goal is to examine the reaction of Czechoslovak architects to the visit, including to the presentation of socialist realism, which they had already encountered during the interwar years. As regards their reaction to Soviet architecture after the visit from their Soviet counterparts, the Czech architects can be roughly divided into two groups. The first, represented by older architects active during the First Republic, expressed a sympathy with the eclecticism of Soviet architecture, though disagreed with it and expressed its hope that Czechoslovak socialist architecture would give rise to different outcomes. The second group, comprising young architects unburdened by the struggle of the interwar avant-garde, was far more positive and adopted an uncritical approach to Soviet architecture.
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Na přelomu let 1946–1947 Československo navštívilo deset sovětských architektů profesně spřízněných s Akademií architektury v Moskvě. Během dvou měsíců tato výprava zavítala do osmnácti československých měst. Zajímala se jak o místní historickou, moderní i současnou architekturu, tak i o způsoby poválečné rekonstrukce, navštívila četné instituce spojené s architekturou, jako byly školy, městské a zemské plánovací ústavy, a uspořádala několik přednášek. Debatovala se svými československými protějšky o architektuře obou zemí a zdá se, že mezi nimi hledala společná témata. Tato studie má dva hlavní cíle. První zodpovídá otázku, zda se sovětská delegace již v době před státním převratem v roce 1948 mohla v Československu pokoušet propagovat myšlenky socialistického realismu. K tomu slouží především studium aktivit a názorových východisek sovětských architektů, které prezentovali při návštěvě Brna a Prahy. Z Brna existují hlavně záznamy o diskusích mezi sovětskými a brněnskými architekty, kteří byli svázáni s meziválečným funkcionalismem a místní školou architektury (s Jiřím Krohou či Antonínem Kurialem). Tyto doklady vypovídají hlavně o hledání společných předpokladů při budování socialistické architektury, přehodnocování modernismu či vztahu k lidové architektuře. V Praze Sověti přednesli několik přednášek a diskusí, v kterých sice věcně informovali, o sovětské architektuře, ale dávali jasně najevo, že sovětská architektura jde cestou socialistického realismu. Lze se domnívat, že své stanovisko zastávali během celého pobytu. Druhým cílem studie je prozkoumat reakce československých architektů na tuto návštěvu včetně odezvy na představení socialistického realismu, s nímž se setkali již v době mezi válkami. Ohlasy československých architektů na sovětskou architekturu po sovětské návštěvě lze zhruba rozdělit na dvě skupiny. První, reprezentovaná staršími architekty, kteří byli činní za první republiky, vyjádřila pochopení pro eklektické projevy sovětské architektury, i když s nimi nesouhlasila a dle všeho doufala, že československá socialistická architektura se projeví jinou formou. Druhá skupina, mladí architekti nezatížení boji meziválečné avantgardy, se dle všeho projevovala daleko pozitivnějším, a především nekritickým postojem k sovětské architektuře.
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The introductory part of this study gives an insight into the pay rates and accommodation available for Czechoslovak Gendarmerie. Attention is also devoted to the attitudes of the main political parties to the issues of the gendarmerie and to the question of a proposed reform and the “democratisation” of the force. This is followed by an outline of attitudes held by the public and the media towards the gendarmerie and an attempt to answer the question of how the members of the force viewed their own role in society.
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Hořký epilog Mnichova 1938

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Nazi Germany consciously and consistently sought to absorb Czechoslovakia. The instrument of breaking the Czechoslovak state became the German national minority headed by the dominating Sudeten-German party, working in the intentions of Hitler. Nazi diplomacy in 1938 set up the problem of the German national minority as an international one and launched a policy of direct coercion thanks to the appeasement of the Western powers. Following Berlin’s direction, it culminated in the adoption of the Munich Agreement of the Four Great Powers, Germany, Italy, Great Britain and France, and the truncation of the Czechoslovak state as the first step towards its destruction. The other was the definitive liquidation of the Czecho-Slovakia in March 1939.
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Major argument of the article draws on the perspective of institutional economics according to which post-communist privatizations were not symmetrical to communist nationalizations and for this reason it was not possible to conceptualize economic reforms in terms of the big bang claimed by liberals. More concretely, adherents of institutional economics have claimed that post-communist transformations should be seen through the perspective of formal rules and informal constraints; while formal rules could be changed relatively quickly by political mechanisms, informal rules have been rooted in social habits and routines and they cannot be changed very quickly due to their ʻpath dependency tendenciesʼ. The article highlights the notion of political capitalism elaborated by Polish researcher Jadwiga Staniszkis as a theoretical framework that could elucidate dissolution of nomenklatura system as well as explain transformation of economic domain in last decades of posttotalitarian regimes. Later on argumentation proceeds to explanation of institutional conceptualization of early post-communist property changes by differentiating among notions of ‘institutional privatizationsʼ, ‘spontaneous privatizationsʼ and ‘political capitalismʼ in order to provide a framework for the adoption of the more elaborated model that could contribute to insight in recent privatization processes.
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The article deals with the scientific achievements of Ukrainian historians concerning the study of the Prague Spring in 1968, as well as the reflection of these historical events in memoir literature (memoirs of P. Shelest). The theme of the Prague Spring, its political defeat has always been given considerable attention in the Ukrainian historical Slavic studies. The influence on the Ukrainian historical science of a new stage in the study of the political history of Czechoslovakia in 1968, which began after the “velvet” revolution of 1989, was made by Czech and Slovak historians. Significant scientific interest in the history of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in the second half of the XX century show modern Ukrainian slavists of academic and university centers of Kyiv, Kharkiv, Lviv, Uzhgorod, Rivne, Chernivtsi, there were separate works, scientific articles, manuals and collective works. Among the studies of domestic historians, the authors singled out the monographic works of I. Korol, I. Vovkanych, R. Pilyavets, articles by S. Vidnyansky, S. Motruk, R. Postolovsky, publications about the echo of events in 1968 in Ukraine V. Dmytruk. The analysis of the national historiography of the Prague Spring shows that the understanding and interpretation of the events of fifty years ago by Ukrainian historians have undergone evolution. Departing from the Communist Party paradigm of anti-socialist rebellion and justifying the intervention of the states of the Warsaw treaty organization of the Soviet period, domestic scientists consider the phenomenon of the Prague Spring as an attempt of democratic transformation of the socialist system by the Czech and Slovak societies.
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Jakub Rakosnik introduces the central topic of the current double issue of Soudobé dějiny, social policy in Czechoslovakia, 1918–89. The introduction is followed by four articles, three based on a research project funded by the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic, ‘The Formation and Development of the Welfare State in Czechoslovakia, 1918–92’, and one based on a project of the Grant Agency of Charles University, ‘Changes in Family Policy from the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia to the People’s Democracy of Czechoslovakia’ (the article by Radka Šustrova).
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This article analyses in the first part activities of the Czech National Council (NRČ) in the last Cisleithanian census, when it played the role of an authoritative national institution, organizing private censusesamong Czech minority communities, publishing educational materials and using print media in a modern way to promote its interests and communicate its position on the census to readers abroad. The second part is focused on activities of the Czechoslovak National Council in the population census 1921 and 1930. The author monitors media discourseand the language of propaganda between the members of NRČ and in the network of co-workers.
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As the basic statistical summaries prove, during the inter‑war period China did not belong among the main business partners of Czechoslovakia. On the other hand, the Chinese market played an important role in the sales strategy of certain Czechoslovak companies, including those which held a significant position in Czechoslovak industry. Škoda Works and Sellier & Bellot are included among the relatively narrow group of companies which were able to find success in the Chinese market. Their “Chinese trades” were in some respects similar, but in others fundamentally different. Both companies had to face problems which for instance arose from the very specific nature of the unstable and from the Czechoslovak point of view extremely exotic market. On the other hand, the reasons for their successes in the Chinese market were somewhat different.
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The article describes the relationship between the interwar Czechoslovakia and the Holy See in the light of the materials of the Congregation for extraordinary ecclesiastical affairs (Segreteria di Stato, Sezione per i Rapporti con gli Stati, Archivio Storico, Congregazione degli Affari Ecclesiastici Straordinari, fondo Rapporti-Sessioni). These materials are compared with the sources from the Czech Archives, above all from the Ministry of Foreign Affaires. They show that the diplomatic conflict that broke out in 1925 was on the brink of exploding since 1921. The Holy See perceived the legalisation of Jan Hus Day in 1925 as a key issue, whilst the Czechoslovak political leadership, especially Edvard Beneš, underestimated the situation. The Czechoslovak leadership had to find a compromise not only with Vatican diplomacy, but also with the left-leaning public opinion in Czechoslovakia. Disinformation, or shifting information was also part of the difficult negotiation on mutual compromise.
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After the World War II the Czechoslovak officials proceeded with arrangements and negotiation of quantification and compensation for ceded Ruthenia with due diligence. This effort was being pushed forward by Property Corporation in Slovakia and former Ruthenia and was supported by Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare. The Property Corporation also promoted its case in the press and actively influenced various politicians and officials. The Czechoslovak authorities’ position did not change even after the political shift in 1948. Although the Property Corporation in Slovakia and former Ruthenia was “freely” dissolved the officials didn’t abandon their agenda. Beside the compensation realised by the regime after the February 1948 there were three other compensation waves.
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Czechoslovakia was planning (and it also managed to carry out during the First Republic) many big public constructions. There were also transport infrastructures, such as railroads, airport, waterways and road infrastructure. The functioning transport infrastructure was naturally deemed as the basic element for building of the new Czechoslovak state, being it not only from the political, but also economic point of view. This entry is focused on the road network the importance of which was not appreciated in between the wars as much when compared to the railways. In spite of that important changes were being made, being it both in planning and construction processes. The entry presents five major projects that reflect new tendencies both from a technical and political point of view. Their objective was to design for the state a new road infrastructure that would contribute to a political unity of the country, establish new economic relationships among particular districts and first and foremost connect the republic to the European road network. These five examples at the same time illustrate a particular atmosphere of that time, the visions of engineers, technologists and road specialists who were, in a way, philosophers or traffic networks.
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The Polish-Czechoslovak cultural and scientifi c relations were initiated upon the end of the Second World War. An agreement on the cultural cooperation between Prague and Warsaw was signed in July 1947. Most successful in the fi eld of literature, the cooperation begot translations of literary works. In addition, contacts were established in other areas, such as theatre, cinema, photography, art, music and science. It is noteworthy that the cooperation was largely a matter of propaganda, intended to emphasise the achievements of socialism and the mutual friendship of fraternal socialist countries. Monopolized by the organs of state, it nevertheless formed the basis for establishing a number of personal relations between Polish and Czech and Slovak researchers and artists.
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The study deals with František Kordač, a Czech Church dignitary and university professor who became the Archbishop of Prague and the Czech Primate in 1919. The text is based on materials from Czech and foreign archives, e.g. the Vatican funds.
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