Search results - CEJSH

1

The international political economy of security

100%

Śnitko R.

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2015

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vol. 12

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issue 12

129-142

PL

The term international political economy in the literature exists at least since 17th century and is connected to Adam Smith. In the 20th century the first academic definition of political economy was probably formulated by Robert Gilpinin in 1975. Since that studies on international political economy flourished and presented different view of the phenomenon. Today the international political economy cover several areas including international security. International organisations such as the International Monetary Fund, World Bank or G–8 base on its statutory activity can influence regional and state security.

2

Charakterystyka współczesnego terroryzmu

80%

Antonów R.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2015

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vol. 37

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issue 4

73 - 79

EN

Contemporary terrorism is one of the most serious threats to the world today. Since the second half of the 20th century it has evolved, adapting its aspirations, needs and capabilities to the scientific, technological and informational development of the world today as well as the geopolitical situation and specifi city. Thus contemporary terrorism is a dynamic process and rarely, or increasingly rarely, a state that remains unchanged. The essence of terrorism today lies the fact that it is commonly regarded as a threat not only to national security (security within one state) but, above all, to international security in view of the globalisation of terrorism. Contemporary terrorism has four basic features. First of all, it is inspired by religion. Secondly, the perpetrators do not reveal their identity, remaining in hiding and preparing new attacks. Thirdly, the actions of terrorists are much more deadly than ever before and, finally, terrorism is global. In addition, terrorism today is linked to actions focused on producing victims on a mass scale. This may suggest a development of genocidal terrorism which will be particularly evident in any future ethnic conflicts. A permanent characteristic feature of terrorism, including contemporary terrorism, is its objectives: to attract attention, generate publicity, justify its actions, win social consent and, finally, seize power. Preventing and combating contemporary terrorism requires not only the work of institution and agencies established for that purpose, but also responsible functioning of every individual in society. Thus creating security today requires collaboration of all people.

3

Rola Egiptu w systemie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w okresie sprawowania władzy przez Bractwo Muzułmańskie

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Milczanowski M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 4(26)

239-274

EN

Article presents the analysis of the Egyptian internal and international affairs after the presidential elections of 2012. Special focus was put on the internal changes effects on the international situation in the area of security and stabilization in the region. Social revolt which lead to the revolution in the January of 2011. Started by the young people, using internet for gathering for the demonstrations in order to try to keep control over the new rulers, was the first (beside the Tunesia) such movement in the Middle East, changing the politics of the regional powers as well as the key global powers in this region also. Very important for the new situation of Egypt in international affairs is the role of its Armed Forces and Secret Services. Both have great influences in every sphere of Egyptian life and possibility to change this country’s future. Changing of the internal situation in Egypt reflects on the many international factors such as in first row Arab‑Israeli conflict (and within it also Palestinian-Israeli conflict) and through this it impacts the peace in the region of Middle East and North Africa. Egypt during the rule of Muslim Brotherhood seemed to build an alliance with Turkey and Qatar which would make their stance much stronger in case of cooperation with USA or UE. If those countries will not fall into the extremism it is a occasion to build new kind of international relations in the region and much stronger system of international security.

4

Strategic Environment of East Asia in 2017–18 Analysis of Key Trends and Issues

80%

WIŚNIEWSKI R.

Przegląd Strategiczny

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2018

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issue 11

395-408

EN

The international security environment of East Asia is undergoing dynamic changes. This articleis another instalment in a series of analysis initiated by the “Strategic Review” in 2017. It deals with international security situation in various regions. The article’s main aim is to present the influence of selected international events of 2017’s second half and 2018s first half on the evolution of East Asia’s long term international security environment. In order to achievethis aim the author has posed two research questions: what long term trends have the strongest influence on international security environment of East Asia? and, do key events of 2017–18 increase or decrease stability of the regional security environment? Following research methods have been adopted to solve this research problem: the comparative method, legal-institutional analysis and forecasting method based on identification of key trends shaping the evolutionof the studied phenomenon. The main conclusions are twofold. First, the most important long term trends shaping the international security environment of East Asia are, on the one side, the growing bipolarity of the regional order (with US and PRC as main protagonists) and, on the other side, other player’s attempts to increase the degree of their own autonomy. The events of 2017–18 show that almost all regional powers act to limit the tensions. It doesn’t change thefact that long term trends point towards a growing confrontation of two contradictory visions of regional order – one championed by USA, and the other by PRC.

5

Proposals of new methods for theory and practice of the fight against terrorism

80%

Kwiatkowski A.

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

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2018

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vol. 31(31)

119-134

EN

The study is an attempt to show the vision of solving complex international problems and threats related to terrorism. This attempt, although controversial, is a search for unconventional, not always acceptable methods of minimizing the terrorist threat.

6

The Limits of Rationalist Explanations for the Development of International Security Institutions

80%

Drgas M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2013

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issue 2 (5)

PL

In this article I argue that rationalist explanations which aspire to demonstrate why international security institutions develop, do not qualify as fully satisfactory arguments. Their limits become apparent particularly if one attempts to account on their basis for the diversity of types of institutions such as balance of power, collective security, hegemony, etc.The initial step in my analysis was to address the limitations of the three arguments which I referred to as materialist, functionalist, and evolutionist that individually make up either whole rationalist conceptions on the development of international security institutions or parts of them. Having done so, I also examined the possibilities to combine these arguments to explore whether the effort yields any extra explanatory power.The main reasons for why these explanations and their combinations fail to convincingly account for the diversity of international security institutions are threefold. First, the functionalist, evolutionist, and the functionalist-evolutionist arguments do not attempt to address the issue directly and provide only a general assertion on the factors influencing the formation of institutions instead of tackling the problem with respect to their particular types. Second, the materialist argument advances a logic of state action that justifies the creation of certain types of institutions and, at the same time, rules out the development of others. Third, it proves also incompatible with the other two arguments. The implication of this is that states would have to choose between mutually exclusive logics of action and, thus, behave in a way for which none of the arguments provides any explanation.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760

7

Crisis of Multilateralism and International Security

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Zazuliak Z., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2012

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issue 2 (2)

PL

Since the Second World War multilateralism has become a mechanism of dealing with threats to international peace and security, the implementation of Security Council decisions and principles of the UN Charter. However, the response of international organizations to these threats is often criticized in the scientific community. This paper aims to investigate whether multilateralism is now facing crisis in terms of its effectiveness, legitimacy, and equality, particularly in decision- making process and implementation of institutional decisions.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14762

8

The state security between geopolitical realism and historical tradition

80%

Citati D.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2014

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vol. 12(12)

201-204

9

Introduction to the Special Issue "Non-military aspects of security in the changing international order"

80%

Lizak W., Zajączkowski K., Kołodziejczak M. E.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2021

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vol. 33

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issue 1

7-13

10

Military Force in Contemporary Political Reality

80%

Piątek J. J.

Reality of Politics

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2015

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issue 6

44-59

EN

For the purposes of this article it has been assumed that the army should not become an autonomous constituent of the state’s structure, since this would pose a threat of taking over a dominant position by this specific formation. The aim of the article is to analyze the modification of the reasons for the outbreak of war, and the means of conducting it. The ongoing changes in the security environment, both in national and worldwide scale, as well as the proceeding national interests of our country imply increasingly advanced tasks for the army and considerably extend their range. The process of transformation in the Polish army is being continued. Further changes are targeted at increasing operational capability in order to enable efficient accomplishment of domestic tasks and performing missions outside its borders. In the contemporary international reality there is a prevailing conviction, that the threat of the outbreak of a global-scale war is rather unlikely. However, other jeopardies and risks have recently come to the fore.

11

Terroryzm w obliczu bezpieczeństwa państwa

80%

Dukiewicz T.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2018

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vol. 40

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issue 1

19-26

EN

The article focuses on the issue of the threat of terrorism. Terrorism plays a vital role in the environment, gradually becoming a major threat to any conflict affecting the functioning of the state. Experience has shown that in the fight against terrorism, the key to victory is the exchange of intelligence and new techniques and procedures for action. Anti-terrorism methods are continually evolving as a result of new trends and ways in which terrorist activities are carried out.

12

The Dilemma of Present Day: Guerrilla, Terrorist and Asymmetric Warfare

80%

Piątek J. J.

Reality of Politics

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2014

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issue 5

46-62

EN

In order to describe the environment surrounding us, so complex in terms of relations resulting from using violence, we easily employ terms such as ‘partisan’ or ‘militant’, just in order to define the very same ones as terrorists a while later. Probably the benchmark of contemporary description, especially of political action is the lack of clear-cut attitudes. Terrorism is nothing new, and this statement in itself is not very revealing. However, for many contemporary researchers of this issue, there is never too much information. Terrorism has always accompanied the history of oppressive regimes as well as resistance movements and uprisings. All the same, within the anti- colonial insurrectionary movements of the mid-20th century which led to the fall of European colonial empires over a short period of time, terrorism achieved new quality. It should also be emphasized that it achieved considerable political successes compared to the social-revolutionary terrorism of the late 19th century. The attribute ‘terrorist’ serves as an excluding one in different relations. By employing such term, one that their cause is an unconventional one – leastways as long as specific ways of using violence are applied. On the other hand, groups classified as terrorist ones often describe themselves as partisans who are fighting for the liberation of certain social or ethnic groups and who have to employ “unconventional” methods of using force because of the military superiority of the oppressive regime. By describing certain actions as ‘terrorist’ one usually intends on bereaving it of every sort of political legitimation. Is there any aspect that terrorism and guerrilla actions have in common? In certain socio-revolutionary or ethno-separatist strategies of violence, the concept of terrorism consists in the idea of a ‘starter’ which is to create the conditions to commence the guerrilla war. There could also be groups acting as partisans on one front line, and as terrorists on the other. The example is Al-Qaeda: in Central Asia its network operated only temporarily, as a kind of guerrilla, while in the global scale it employed terrorist strategy.

13

Some Comments on Vietnam’s Security in the 21st Century

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Kościelniak K.

Reality of Politics

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2019

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issue 10

71-78

EN

The main objective set by many countries is ensuring security. The means to accomplish this goal are the armed forces, obliged to guarantee safe functioning of the state and its citizens. There are states, for which maintaining a powerful, modern army has enormous significance for their superpower status, for their preparedness to a potential conflict or as a deterrent for the neighbouring states. Therefore, in the following text I will deal with the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, because of its history, and especially due to the region where it is situated - one of the hottest places on Earth, full of misunderstandings, disputes and conflicts causing that the states situated there, including Vietnam, are modernising their armies.

14

Instytucja „służby specjalne” a rzeczywistość funkcjonowania państwa polskiego. Wybrane zagadnienia

80%

Grzegorowski Z.

Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość

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2011

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vol. 8

45-64

EN

The article analyses the role of special forces in a democratic state. The author puts a special emphasis on the conditions that shape the new Polish democracy and aspects of ensuring national and international security within. Special forces in a democratic state are a tool in a state’s policies. Their operations are crucial not only as an institution meant to ensure national social and political order but also to counteract all interference of criminal groups in centres of political power on a local scale.

15

Armed Forces as a Geopolitics Instrument from a Historical and Contemporary Perspective

80%

Ziętarski M.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2020

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vol. 34(34)

145-156

EN

Geography can restrain states, or create possibilities to the political activity that states carry out. Following Carl von Clausewitz, one can point to the relation between politics and war. The famous Prussian general claimed that war is an extension of politics made by means of the armed forces. Questions should therefore be posed how geography restrains or stregthens the activity of the armed forces, and how geopolitics determines the functioning of the military. The following article shows the abovementioned imperative in the historical as well as contemporary context. The aim of the study is to place the armed forces in the geopolitical framework and to show the cause-and-effect relationship between the operations of the armed forces and geopolitics. The research is carried out on the time axis: the time analysis is divided into the period of the Second World War, the Cold War and the post-Cold War period.

16

Russian comprehensive approach toward Arctic Race

80%

ŚLIWA Z.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2014

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vol. 12(12)

212-234

EN

Arctic has lately slipped slightly from the radar of the International Community as a consequence of the Ukrainian, economic austerity, Ebola spread and also combating radicals like Islamic State. Even global warming is not major topic of news. In spite of this, the Arctic race is ongoing involving all the nations interested in that region considering future profits connected with resources, shipping routes and fishery. Among them Russia is currently a key player in many domains especially as it is treating Arctic very seriously and has already invested into grounding national position there. Present-day peaceful cooperation is very promising but growing military presence in Arctic, especially Russian build-up, is causing more and more concerns about the future. The paper is discussing major reasons of the Arctic race, depicting briefly legal aspects e.g. UNCLOS, international organizations like the Arctic Council and also role of actors there. International disputes are also mentioned especially those related to the Russian Federation, being major player there. The main focus is on Russian interests, economy related competition and also military developments to support national interests. The Western sanctions are negatively influencing exploration of natural resources making Moscow nervous and the country must be treated very seriously to avoid creating new “Cold War” type icy relations and confrontation.

17

International Cooperation within the NATO Framework for Security in Central‑Eastern Europe

80%

Jagusiak B., Niedbała W.

Studia Administracji i Bezpieczeństwa

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2018

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issue 5

9-20

EN

Europe is sometimes called the “Old Continent” or the “Old World.” And even if it is now one of the most peaceful political and military regions of the world, it is an area of extremely intense discussions, considerations, plans and activities related to the security of the whole of Europe. The geopolitical location of Central‑Eastern Europe at the interface of the Russian Federation and NATO’s eastern flank causes a great deal of interest, especially within the Western Civilization. It is an area of uncertainty and, despite many other threats, when we talk about threats, Europe’s eyes are turned east.

18

Współpraca, rywalizacja czy konflikt? Stosunki Unii Europejskiej i Federacji Rosyjskiej

80%

Przybyła K.

Myśl Ekonomiczna i Polityczna

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2011

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issue 1-2(32-33)

128-150

EN

The article is an attempt to present the relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union in the transition period between the international order that has just finished and the one that is developing. The author analyzes the relations between the parties on the political, military, national and international security related, economic and social planes and also presents optimal scenarios of the relations in the future. In order to do that she uses such research methods as comparative and critical analysis of available literature and resource materials. The analysis of the relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union lets the author draw a concussion that they are important for both political players, especially in relation with the perspective of winning or maintaining the position of a leading actor. Therefore, a conflict between Brussels and Moscow and too fierce rivalry would not be advantageous. Both international players, Russia and the European Union, realize that their co-operation – especially in connection with external threats – can be mostly beneficial. An issue that complicates the bilateral relations is the asymmetry of the parties. Russia is a state that has been a superpower for ages and – in spite of some economic problems – still holds this position. The European Union, on the other hand, is only an international organization, which - although it already is an international legal entity - is striving to join the “club of the chosen”. It is strong economically but not politically. Disproportions between the European Union and Russia also exist both in the military field and the social sphere (the systems of the parties’ values). However, the future of their relations depends mainly on the route they will choose in the nearest future. Thus it depends on whether and to what extend the political integration will prove to be successful for the European Union (what kind of integration the member states will approve of) as well as what development route and what system of values the Russian Federation will decide to choose. None of the options has been determined yet. However, it is certain that Russia’s starting position is better: it is a master of political games while the European Union seems to be continually too naïve.

19

Could the War Have Been Prevented? US Lessons from Russia’s War against Ukraine

80%

Demczuk A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2025

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issue 3(54)

57-74

EN

The main goal of this article is to analyze American leadership in the context of Russia’s War in Ukraine. Examining the role of the US is important because the results of the study might identify some US strategic and policy weaknesses, which, if applied, might prevent other wars from happening. The main research question has been formulated: Could the Russian War in Ukraine have been prevented? The author’s work is based mainly on the analysis of the interviews with policymakers from the first circle of people in power, mostly the presidents’ advisers who have been particularly involved in implementing American foreign policy towards Russia and Ukraine since the end of the Cold War, as well as Ukrainian officials and those participating in the US-led coalition. US lessons from Russia’s War in Ukraine are of particular significance today, when the world faces a possible confrontation in the Indo-Pacific region between China and Taiwan, as well as the spread of the Middle East turmoil.

20

The Twilight of Humanitarian Intervention? International Legal Conditions for the Possibility of Undertaking a Humanitarian Intervention in Ukraine in the Context of the Concept of Responsibility to Protect

80%

Andrzejczak-Świątek M., Baylis M.

Internal Security

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2024

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vol. 16(1)

29-41

RU

Агрессия Российской Федерации против Украины является не только глобальной угрозой для широко понимаемой региональной и всемирной безопасности, но и ставит закономерные вопросы о последствиях в сфере международного уголовного права и прав человека. Реакция международных организаций, включая в первую очередь ООН, а также региональные организации, такие как Совет Европы и Европейский Союз, явно направлена на осуждение незаконной агрессии России и применение санкций, в основном экономических, а также военной поддержки. Однако вполне правомерен вопрос о юридической возможности гуманитарной интервенции на оккупированные вооруженными силами Российской Федерации территории Украины с целью предотвращения дальнейших серьезных нарушений гуманитарного права и прав человека, прежде всего массовых военных преступлений. Целью данной статьи является критический обзор международных и действующих правовых документов, в которых рассматривается возможность гуманитарной интервенции в Украину. Методологический подход основывается главным образом на изучении совокупности имеющихся доктрин, а также действующей судебной практики международных судов, телеологического толкования международных договоров и обычного гуманитарного права, а также института гуманитарной интервенции в контексте его обоснованности, легитимности и правомочия.

PL

Streszczenie Agresja Federacji Rosyjskiej na Ukrainę stanowi nie tylko globalne zagrożenie szeroko rozumianego bezpieczeństwa regionalnego i światowego, ale także implikuje zasadne pytania dotyczące skutków w sferze prawa międzynarodowego karnego i praw człowieka. Reakcja organizacji międzynarodowych, w tym przede wszystkim ONZ, ale także tych o zasięgu regionalnym, jak Rada Europy i Unia Europejska, jednoznacznie zmierza ku potępieniu nielegalnej agresji Rosji i zastosowania sankcji, głównie ekonomicznych, jak również wsparcia militarnego. Pojawia się jednak zasadne pytanie o prawną możliwość przeprowadzenia na terytoriach Ukrainy okupowanych przez siły zbrojne Federacji Rosyjskiej, interwencji humanitarnej w celu przeciwdziałania dalszym rażącym naruszeniom prawa humanitarnego i praw człowieka, przede wszystkim masowym zbrodniom wojennym. Celem artykułu jest przede wszystkim prawno-międzynarodowa analiza możliwości podjęcia interwencji humanitarnej w Ukrainie w świetle obowiązujących standardów prawnych. Metodologia oparta została głównie na analizie dorobku doktryny, ale także na aktualnym orzecznictwie sądów międzynarodowych, wykładni celowościowej traktatów międzynarodowych oraz prawie zwyczajowym dotyczącym prawa humanitarnego i instytucji interwencji humanitarnej w kontekście jej zasadności, legalności i legitymizacji.

ES

La agresión de la Federación Rusa contra Ucrania no sólo supone una amenaza global para la seguridad regional y mundial, sino que también plantea cuestiones legítimas sobre las consecuencias en el ámbito del derecho penal internacional y los derechos humanos. La reacción de las organizaciones internacionales, incluidas en primer lugar las Naciones Unidas, pero también las de alcance regional, como el Consejo de Europa y la Unión Europea, está claramente dirigida a condenar la agresión ilegal de Rusia y aplicar sanciones, principalmente económicas, así como apoyo militar, pero la cuestión de la posibilidad legal de una intervención humanitaria en los territorios de Ucrania ocupados por las fuerzas armadas de la Federación de Rusia con el fin de prevenir nuevas violaciones graves del derecho humanitario y los derechos humanos, sobre todo crímenes de guerra masivos, es legítima. El objetivo de este artículo es realizar un examen crítico de los vigentes documentos jurídicos internacionales que analizan la posibilidad de una intervención humanitaria en Ucrania. El enfoque metodológico se ha basado principalmente en el análisis del cuerpo doctrinal, pero también en la jurisprudencia actual de los tribunales internacionales, la interpretación teleológica de los tratados internacionales y del derecho consuetudinario en materia de derecho humanitario, y la institución de la intervención humanitaria en el contexto de su validez, legalidad y legitimidad.

DE

Die Aggression der Russischen Föderation gegen die Ukraine stellt nicht nur eine globale Bedrohung für die allgemeine regionale und globale Sicherheit dar, sondern wirft auch begründete Fragen nach den Folgen im Bereich des internationalen Strafrechts und der Menschenrechte auf. Die Reaktion internationaler Organisationen, darunter in erster Linie der Vereinten Nationen, aber auch regional abgegrenzter Organisationen wie der Europarat und die Europäische Union, zielt eindeutig auf die Verurteilung der rechtswidrigen Aggression Russlands und die Verhängung von Sanktionen, hauptsächlich Wirtschaftssanktionen, sowie auf militärische Unterstützung hin. Jedoch ist die Frage nach der rechtlichen Möglichkeit einer humanitären Intervention in den von den Streitkräften der Russischen Föderation besetzten Gebieten der Ukraine zur Verhinderung weiterer grober Verletzungen des humanitären Völkerrechts und der Menschenrechte, insbesondere von Massenkriegsverbrechen, gerechtfertigt. Das Ziel dieses Artikels ist der kritische Überblick über internationale und geltende Rechtsdokumente, in denen die Möglichkeit einer humanitären Intervention in der Ukraine veranschaulicht wird. Der methodische Ansatz stützt sich vor allem auf eine Analyse der Rechtslehre, sowie auf die aktuelle Rechtsprechung internationaler Gerichte, eine teleologische Auslegung internationaler Verträge und des Gewohnheitsrechts zum humanitären Recht, und ebenso auf die Institution der humanitären Intervention im Kontext ihrer Rechtmäβigkeit, Legalität und Rechtskraft.

EN

The aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine is not only a global threat to the broadly understood regional and global security, but also raises legitimate questions regarding the consequences in the sphere of international criminal law and human rights. The reaction of international organisations, including primarily the UN, but also those of a regional scale, such as the Council of Europe and the European Union, clearly aims at condemning Russia’s illegal aggression and the application of sanctions, mainly economic, as well as military support, but there is a legitimate question about the legal possibility of carrying out a humanitarian intervention in the territories of Ukraine occupied by the armed forces of the Russian Federation in order to prevent further flagrant violations of humanitarian law and human rights, primarily mass war crimes. The aim of this paper is to critically review international and applicable legal documents which discuss a possibility of undertaking humanitarian interventions in Ukraine. This methodological approach was based mainly on the analysis of the achievements of the doctrine, but also on the current jurisprudence of international courts, teleological interpretation of international treaties and customary law regarding humanitarian law and the institution of humanitarian intervention in the context of its legitimacy, legality and legitimacy.

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