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EN
The object of the article is to present the rulings of the primary and secondary law of the European Union pertaining to the citizens’ initiative at the suprastate level that serve the implementation of organizational and infrastructural solutions as well as the first experiences with applying the accepted legal norms, administrative procedures and informative-communicative means. The analysis of the legal grounds aims at positioning the European citizens’ initiative in the classifications of democracy and its tools proposed so far, and adjusting theoretical approaches to states to the needs of studies on a suprastate organization of an integrative character. Analysis of the course and results of hitherto application of the rulings on the European Citizens’ Initiative purports to answer the question whether and how the direct power of the citizens of the European Union is exercised in practice at the level of this organization. The focus of the study is the question whether implementation of the Treaty of Lisbon actually results in a significant broadening of the scope of participating democracy and whether the European citizens are interested in using this new instrument of democracy, namely popular initiative at the suprastate level.
EN
Praise and criticism of First Republic democracy is a study that deals with the way the pros and cons of First Republic democracy were evaluated at the time, as well as the way society perceived this concept at the time and what it highlighted or criticized in the political reality of the First Republic political system.
EN
The two important events that shape our thinking about the democratic standards within the European Union and its member states at the break of the first and second decade of the XXI century are: the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as the economic crisis in some members of the euro-zone. This analysis examines the major claims of the Treaty on democracy, its mechanisms and legitimacy. Subsequently, it contextualises them in the existing literature on democratic deficit and the legitimacy questions in the multilevel governance system of the EU. The author builds a scheme which reflects the channels of legitimacy in the decision-making process which the EU is entertaining. This system is then confronted with the problem of the current economic crisis. The ‘rescue policies’ intervention of the EU is criticised by many for violating the vox populi in the indebted countries. Therefore, this paper reflects upon the tension between democratically justified but economically irresponsible decisions on the one side, and the austerity measures imposed as a consequence of the previous decisions imposed from the outside and therefore seen as ‘undemocratic’. The author concludes that the present legitimacy equilibrium is sufficient to democratically justify the austerity measures imposed on the reform-resistant economies.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest zagadnieniu wprowadzania zasad reżimu demokratycznego do życia politycznego Japonii po zakończeniu II wojny światowej. Zamierzeniem autora była próba określenia sposobu i poziomu zakorzeniania się wartości demokratycznych w świadomości społeczeństwa japońskiego. Dlatego też autor stara się określić wpływ wartości demokratycznych na postawy społeczne Japończyków w omawianym okresie czasu. W tym celu zostaje dokonana analiza kilku kluczowych dla zrozumienia problemu płaszczyzn: aksjologicznej, normatywnej i instytucjonalnej. Autor ukazuje także wpływ wewnętrznych postaw społecznych w Japonii manifestowanych w zakresie kultury politycznej na konwersję zasad i wartości demokracji i proces demokratyzacji.
EN
The article describes the problem of democracy in Japan as an external political system introduced after the end of World War II. The author tries to explore how deeply democratic values were rooted in Japanese society in the first decade after the war. The key objective of this article is to analyse how Japanese democratic values functioned at that time, how they influenced political attitudes and if they were coherent. There are three basic dimensions of the author’s considerations: axiological, normative and institutional. To achieve this, the author describes democratic values, internal elements of Japanese political culture and the democratisation process as a single complex process.
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Internet i demokracja. Ewolucja systemu politycznego

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EN
Przemyslaw Maj analyzed complexity of the terms (democracy, the political system, cyberspace), indicating their understanding of the dynamic, and their nature, conditions, advantages and disadvantages. Taking into account definitional chaos right political science, was a very important define the term "cyberspace", by which the author understands the computer generated of a non-physical space in which there are processes and phenomena society. Only an indication of the nature of the term allowed the author be studied political science analysis of the problem.
EN
The leading aim of this paper is to portray the constitutional institution of compensation liability for unlawful acts of public authorities in Polish law related to the development of general principle concerning democratic rule of law. Compensation for damages brought upon the citizens by civil servants constitutes a basic pillar of contemporary democratic state, because it guarantees acting by public authorities in compliances with law and deepen trustfulness. It is also said that the state of the above–mentioned institution indicates the development of democracy.
EN
The paper presents the mixed electoral system and its models, and analyses their applicability in the elections to the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. The authors focus on the German personalised proportional system and the proposal for an electoral system based on this system constructed by Jarosław Flis. The analysis concerns not only the legal aspect but also the political and social consequences. The presented experiences of various countries show that the reaction of political parties and voters to a new electoral system can be surprising and the political consequences unpredictable.
EN
The article aims to, first, critically assess the idea and practice of deliberative democracy and, second, find it a proper place in the democratic theory. I start with defining the concept as it emerges from the works of some of its most prominent proponents (such as Fishkin, Cohen or Habermas), reiterating several of the important arguments in support of it. I then present various criticisms of deliberative democracy, regarding philosophical assumptions that inform it (the idea of common good, the conditions of rational deliberation etc.) and its modus operandi (its alleged procedural superiority over aggregative methods). I then off er further criticism of deliberative democracy as a model of democracy, an alternative to the dominant model of representative democracy, arguing from its ineff ectiveness in influencing political decisions. Instead, in the final section, I propose to establish deliberation as one of the two criteria of classifi cation and assessment of democratic systems, thus restoring its importance in the democratic theory.
EN
Times are changing. The second half of the 19th century and the following years stood for rapid development of various tools based on electricity. Expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of this period. It may be said, we now live in the Internet era, and there is a perception that anyone who does not jump on the technology bandwagon is going to be left far behind. The growth of online interactions can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PC and Internet access.
EN
The inauguration of Roh Tae Woo as president of the Sixth Republic of Korea in February 1988 can be considered as a turning point in South Korean political history. The five years of the Roh Tae Woo administration, 1988–1993, contained many of the first steps, albeit sometimes transitionally imperfect, toward democracy and an ultimate return to civilian rule of law, as well as greater political freedoms. According to Samuel P. Huntington, the Korean form of democratization was an example of transplacement, in which the government made concessions and opposition political groups accepted it to avoid mutual catastrophe. Furthermore, a case can be made for the mode of democratic transition in South Korea also being like Donald Share’s transition through transaction, Terry Lynn Karl and Philippe C. Schmitter’s transition by pact, and Adam Przeworki’s democracy with guarantees.
EN
Freedom of possessing and expressing own ideas and opinions and their dissemination is one of the fundamental rights, that entitled to each person. In addition to this, the freedom enables searching and getting information. Thanks to it, the right to express your own identity, selfrealization and aspiring to truth are guaranteed. It is one of the basic premise and the necessary condition to realize the idea of democracy. In the United States, the cradle of civil rights and modern democracy, the freedom of expression is guaranteed in the First Amendment to American Constitution (Bill of Rights), enacted in 1789 (came into force in 1791). On its virtue, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of (…) the freedom of speech, or of the press (…).” Although the record suggested that this freedom is absolute, (not restricted of any legislation), the later jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court (by case law) isolated categories of utterances that have not been contained by the First Amendment. ! e essential issues are answers on the following questions: in the name of what values Congress can limit the First Amendment? And where is the border of freedom of speech? One of the expressions that are not protected by the law is fi ghting words and hate words. The second are libel and slanders that are understood as a infringement of somebody’s rights.
EN
The primary objective of the study was to determine the unique characteristics of the axiology of the law of the European legal space and its impact on the development of the administrative courts system in Poland by indicating its rooting in legally expressed values, as well as in extra-legal values that are common axioms of the European legal space discussed herein. It was noted that international law – which is the background of the study – determines the basis for the operation of a democratic state, thus exerting a fundamental and significant influence on the formation of standards of democratic states in Europe, including the administrative court system in Poland. The achievement of the primary objective of the deliberations will be assisted by two intermediate objectives. The first one, seeking to lay the foundations for the introduction of the aforementioned “European legal space” category as a normative category that includes a common axiology of law, which underlies the democratic state, including the nature of human rights, through the analysis of the legal and non-legal norms that form that category. The achievement of the second intermediate objective, on the other hand, will make it possible in fine to treat that space as a normative and axiological concept to rot the unique structure of the administrative court system in Poland as one of the structural elements of the democratic system. In the literature on the subject, the issue of the axiology of the law of the European legal space from the standpoint of its impact on the administrative court system in Poland has not been analyzed in a comprehensive manner, and the available publications only partially address this topic, which prompted the study of the issue stated in the title of this paper. By setting the framework for the deliberations, they were narrowed down to the European legal space, which was considered to be the normative space of influence of European international organizations, namely the Council of Europe, the European Union, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The purpose of the specific scope of the conducted analyses have resulted in the use of specific research methods. The dogmatic-legal method was the leading method, and it is present virtually all parts of the deliberations. The position of the doctrine was analyzed Polish and foreign monographs and papers, as well as acts of universally applicable international law and those of a regional nature. The case law of international courts was also analyzed. The author made an extensive use of the legal-comparative method. It proved useful in the search for a way to define the concept of the European legal space, as well as other concepts, due to the need to confront the legal achievements of the international organizations that make up that space.
EN
In the literature on democratization and autocratization, one of the areas which clearly shows a gap in the theoretical framework is a very important territorial dimension of theseprocesses. This article is aimed at proposing the theoretical approaches based on two main pillars, which can be used in studies on democratization and autocratization at the subnational levels. The first one refers to democracy and changes of political regimes (approaches to democratization / autocratization and more static issues of the quality of democracy and local democracy). The second one refers to the territorial politics, accounting for the multilevel and network governance as well as theories of decentralization. Eventually, the author also presents possible preliminary directions of research, within which the territorial politics can be either an independent, alternatively intervening variable (studies on causes of changes regarding the political regime) or a dependent variable (analysis of effects of these changes).
EN
John MattesonJohn Jay College of Criminal JusticeCity University of New YorkUSA“Believe and tremble”: A Note on Margaret Fuller’s Roman RevolutionAbstract: 1848, Europe’s year of revolutions, was also a revolutionary moment in the United States, for it witnessed the holding of the Seneca Falls Convention, the first formal gathering for the purpose of discussing the social and civil rights of women in America. A significant step on the road to Seneca Falls had taken place three years earlier when Margaret Fuller, the former editor of Emerson’s literary magazine The Dial, published Woman in the Nineteenth Century, an erudite and impassioned plea for female equality that had no precedent in American letters. Yet when the pioneering band of feminists gathered to ratify its Declaration of Sentiments at Seneca Falls, Fuller was thousands of miles away. The revolutionary movement to which she devoted her heart and toil that year was not the cause of American feminism, but the democratic revolution in Rome.
EN
In the text I take a closer look at the political paradigm of self-sufficiency as outlined by French philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy. The paradigm is at work in all traditional Western political views, ideologies and practices, and can be reduced to two schematic models of politics: that of the subject, and of the citizen. The models are seen by Nancy to be no longer relevant to the urgent demands of contemporary social and political reality; they are also held to be responsible for contemporary problems and crises in, and of, democracy. Nancy tries to present an another approach to political practice and focuses on the issue of the (social) tie as one that is not given in any substantial way but always remains to be tied, always to be decided and continually reshaped in a response to unforeseeable events. As a part of a sketch of a political philosophy of relation and non-self-sufficiency, Nancy discusses the issues of singularity, incommensurability, justice and ,,equaliberty'', and stresses the need for constant invention of new forms of a democratic politics. The latter is meant as a politics of ,,democracy to-come'', democracy that always remains in statu nascendi, in the process of eventual transformation.
EN
Individualism, although inherently contrary to the spirit of collectivism, is the basis for the development of modern civic attitudes. For the most part, individualism determines the degree of interest in politics and the quality of democracy. Individualism is also the basis for the development of civil society, as the unique characteristics of each individual impact the civil society dynamics, quality and impact on those in power.
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EN
Although An Enemy of the People has always been one of Ibsen’s most popular plays, ibsenology often dismisses it as a revolutionary pamphlet and the critique of the tyranny of the compact majority and the mediocrity of parliamentary democracy. Instead of focusing on the conflict that arises between the Conservatives and the Liberals, minority and majority, I want to draw attention to Ibsen’s poetic revolt. Building on Derrida’s study of the pharmakon in the Phaedrus, I argue that Ibsen continues to investigate the conflict between the speaker and the listener, between the actor and the audience, between speech and writing.
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EN
The paper analyses, in the context of Dragojla Jarnević’s Diary, the concept of democratism from the authoress’ viewpoint of the world regarding the liberal values that represent foundation of democracy. Considering the problems related to the issue of contemporary democracies eminent intellectuals of the 20th and 21st century have expressed a line of doubts and objections, thereby threatening the concept of democracy, or twisting democracy in its own contradictions. In retrospect, during Dragojla Jarnević’s lifetime and work, there was an evident complexity and ambivalence of disseminating liberal ideas in the area of today´s Croatia. Shaping and expressing of Dragojla Jarnević’s democratic views shows that it is possible to interpret democracy from different points of view – on the one hand, it is the best social model, on the other hand, it sometimes transforms in its contradiction. Certain contradictions are observed in Jarnević’s personality, however, her personality eventually reveals a brave and democratic (literature) subject.
EN
Times are changing. The second half of the 19th century and the following years stood for rapid development of various tools based on electricity. Expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of this period. It may be said, we now live in the Internet era, and there is a perception that anyone who does not jump on the technology bandwagon is going to be left far behind. The growth of online interactions can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PC and Internet access.
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