An innovation in this paper is the introduction of inventories into the market sector of the Real Business Cycle model with household production. The main finding is that the controversy between procyclicity of hours spent to produce consumption good versus correlation between business and household investment, which has been prevailing in all business cycles models so far, is resolved.
In Poland, as in other European countries, the second half of the 20th c. brought a significant progress in research on the issues of death and funerals. Analyses undertaken concerned last wills and funerals. Funerals were investigated in the aspect of the ceremony itself and of the role of the family and religious and secular institutions (guilds, fraternities, schools, hospitals, parishes) in it. The issue of the cost of such ceremonies, however, was rather marginalised by researchers. The article explores some possibilities of filling this gap with regard to the class of burghers in the 16th-18th c. Much attention is paid to small and medium towns, which were the majority of urban centres in the Crown of Poland. The issue of funeral costs is illustrated with examples from two towns: Wojnicz in Little Poland (c. 2000 inhabitants) and Bydgoszcz in Kuyavia (c. 4000 inhabitants). The sources used include testaments and probate inventories. Some testaments include instructions concerning the place of burial (church or cemetery) and the way of covering funeral costs: either a particular sum is stipulated or, when no cash was available, some property to be sold is mentioned (e.g. some land, a house, livestock, crops, stocks from a craftsman’s workshop). Some probate inventories, on the other hand, specify burial costs. Among the expenses they list elements of the setting (ringing the bells, candles), payment to the participants of the ceremony (e.g. to women who watch over the body, to the priest for a valediction, to the carpenter for the coffin, with the cost of material and labour specified separately, to the gravediggers), payments to institutions (to the parish for the funeral mass, to the guilds and fraternities participating in the ceremony), and finally donations to the poor in cash or in kind (the most common form was to distribute bread vodka or dinner, or finance a bath). The lists of costs presented in the article, although they include many details, usually do not cover all the expenditure; in some cases the sources only mention “other funeral costs” or omit them altogether (those may include buying a burial place at the cemetery or preparing the body for the funeral). Furthermore, funeral costs are appended to the minority of probate inventories available. Only in exceptional complete documentation concerning a person has survived (a testament, a probate inventory and a specification of funeral costs). Due to all those factors, the data cannot be analysed statistically. Since the data on the financial position of the deceased and their families are incomplete we cannot answer intriguing questions about the real burden of funeral costs for burgher families, the average level of costs in particular towns and regions, or their dynamics in the three centuries in question. However, specifications of funeral costs may be highly useful in studying the sources of income of particular groups of town dwellers: the clergy and sextons, craftsmen (carpenters, tailors), gravediggers, students, the poor, etc
The article investigates the longevity of adult men in the magnate families of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 16th-18th c. and the consequences of their age at death for their relatives. The research concerned representatives of three magnate houses: the Radziwiłł, Ogiński and Chodkiewicz families. The database was assembled on the basis of published biographies, articles, family monographs, genealogical tables and manuscripts from Polish and Lithuanian archives. Data was gathered on 175 men: 85 of the Radziwiłł, 56 of the Ogiński and 34 of the Chodkiewicz family. In order to describe the consequences of a magnate’s death it is important to consider the average marrying age. The average was calculated for 104 men; taking into consideration first and subsequent marriages it was almost 32 years in the period researched. For first marriages the average was 27, while for subsequent marriages ca 42. It is also important to calculate the average length of marriage. In the 16th-18th c. it was 14.5 years, with first marriages lasting 16 years and subsequent ones 12 years on the average. The average for first marriages with children was 17 and for subsequent marriages with children – 14 years. The average death age, calculated for 96 adults, including married and unmarried men, was just under 50 for the whole period in question (in the 17th c. it was 46, while in the 18th c. it was over 50). For married men (79 persons) the average was 53, and for married men with children (54 persons) – 54 years. Thus, a man in a magnate family was married for the first time at the age of 27 on the average, and a man with progeny lived to 56 years on the average. The first marriage having children lasted 17 years on the average, and subsequent marriages with children - even shorter. In magnate families 70% of children survived, and these were often not first children. This indicates that at the time of the father’s death children were often still under age. This often meant that children were taken care of by the father’s relatives, especially if the widow remarried. In this case mothers usually lost custody of their children and their emotional bond with them was broken. Hence, one of the consequences of a magnate’s death was that the widow had to choose between remarrying and keeping custody of her children and their property. The latter choice meant no further procreation for many young women. A man in a magnate family often decided to marry after his father’s death, whether following or disregarding his earlier suggestions as to the choice of the wife. The death of a childless magnate lead to the extinction of the family or one of its lines, which resulted in transferring property to other families or lines. The research indicates that the average lifespan was longest in the Ogiński family: for the period in question it was 57 years both in general and for married men with children. To compare, the married Radziwiłłs with children lived for 53.5 years on the average. It can be supposed that the better health condition of the Ogińskis, especially in the 17th c., might have resulted from their late advancement to the country’s political elite (in the second half of the 17th c.), which meant that the circle from they chose their life partners was limited to the narrow sphere of magnate families relatively late.
Contemporary Polish stained glass art is a field still little known and underestimated. A breakthrough in research was made by Jerzy Frycz, who in 1974 published a pioneering paper which, against the background of stained glass revival in Europe, presented the history of stained glass art in the Polish territories in the 19th and 20th centuries, and outlined the activity of several workshops. In subsequent years, inventory work was undertaken, first including stained glass windows in secular buildings in Lodz and Krakow. The full inventory of stained glass from the period in question has not been completed until today, which limits general analyses. This is all the more painful that the resources of stained glass decrease year after year. Research is being conducted in several centres, the most important of which is Krakow. The studies are undertaken by both academic institutions and individual researchers. Since 1999, the Association for Stained Glass Art 'Ars Vitrea Polona' has been contributing to the development of research on Polish stained glass art, mainly by organizing periodic conferences. What still remains insufficiently clarified are the issues concerning the revival of stained glass art in Poland and the role of stained glass in sacred and secular interiors. Few works of art have their extensive studies. The biographical entries and other works on artists who are known to have designed stained glass windows usually contain only brief or no information about this area of their activity. No stained glass factory has a full monograph, although much is already known about their achievements. There is also no Polish dictionary of terminology. This poor state of research does not fully reflect the resources and the artistic level of modern Polish stained glass, and the results are not taken full advantage of in studies dealing with issues of art and crafts of this period.
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