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EN
The article critically analyzes the second edition (2023) of Marietta Chudakova’s book Biography of Mikhail Bulgakov (1988). This detailed biography of the writer consists of about a third of the diaries of his third wife Elena Bulgakova. At the same time, in the late 1990s Chudakova, based not on facts, but on her artifices, put forward a “postulate” according to which Elena Bulgakova was an agent of the NKVD. Chudakova spread this idea for two decades, until the end of her life. The article analyzes the truthfulness of this version and the reasons and circumstances for its appearance. In addition, the author wonders about the harmful role of speculations, which is sometimes expressed by “academic” scientists. Cynical and crude falsifications in a “post-truth” way are often fabricated based on “expert’s knowledge”, under the influence of which perverted ideas about cultural figures and the historical and cultural process as a whole are consolidated in the mass consciousness.
Kwartalnik Filozoficzny
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2023
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vol. 51
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issue 1-4
209-218
EN
Józef Tischner in the late 1980s wrote a short text related to a lie in politics. He referred in it to the times of the Polish People's Republic as well as to the earlier times. He tried to describe the specific type of a lie which occurs between the authorities and the people. He did not take up the issue of the truth - possibly because of the limited space, the essay was to be rather short. When we talk about a lie - it would be good to define what the truth is. Ethical evaluation of a lie in the Tischner's text is quite unequivocal. Reasons why people lie may be numerous, the author mentions some of them. A political lie has got a twofold face: a lie of an ordinary voter may manifest itself as the "lesser of two evils", while for a politician it becomes an "inevitable necessity". I have examined the evolution process of the concept. In the twenty-first century we no longer speak of a lie, but we will rather speak of the post-truth. This new term tends to moderate the ethical evaluation of a lie, accepts its existence and justifies it.
EN
The main statement of the paper is that the post-truth is expanding at an unprecedented rate, continuously forcing itself into new areas of public life and permeating millions of minds. This phenomenon has not so far been satisfactorily explained by researchers of global-range social phenomena. The paper presents various definitions of post-truth and its interpretations. The argument revolves around what truth means and what it is threatened by, as well as the most important institution that is, by definition, concerned about the truth: the university. The article outlines the functions of the university and contemporary conditions of its functioning, including the threats to the preservation of its mission and axiological foundation: striving towards the truth. The idea of the university, created in Europe at the beginning of the second millennium, has shown to be strong and durable. It has adopted various organisational forms, depending on the period and region. The secret of the universities’ persistence and meaning cannot be considered apart from the history of the European civilisation. However, the phenomenon of post-truth expansion is the most serious threat to this institution. The expansion of post-truth also leads to changes in the quality of the public life, bringing about its degeneration, with considerable contributions of the numerous pathologies of the Internet, distribution of lies and surprisingly quickly growing acceptance of this phenomenon.
EN
Socio-political changes in the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries in the conditions of geopolitical processes specified by the collapse of the Soviet and socialistic systems, rapid development of information-and-communication technologies have transformed information space. Contemporary Ukrainian journalism and its national information space have been established in interdependence with sociopolitical, economic, cultural-educational development of the independent Ukrainian state. Media were both a mirror and a catalyzer of the socio-political processes. Ukraine’s development in the current conditions of the military aggression and increased information threats creates a necessity to protect its national information space, to improve the system of information security and resist to information operations, and to decrease negative results of the impact of external information. Globalization of the information space and the increased scope of untrue information in the post-truth age require an expansion of the opportunities for media education, a development of critical thinking and enhancement of the level of citizens’ media literacy, their ability to counterstand manipulations both from inside and outside.
PL
Termin postprawda uznany przez redaktorów Oxford Dictionaries za słowo 2016 roku, jeszcze kilka miesięcy temu stanowił modny w kręgach intelektualistów i przedstawicieli nauk społecznych termin lepiej lub gorzej opisujący rzeczywistość załamującego się dość niespodziewanie ładu zachodniego świata. Dziś z powodzeniem wchodzi on do języka potocznego będąc chętnie stosowanym przez publicystów, dziennikarzy, a nawet satyryków. W obliczu tak gwałtownego wzrostu popularności postprawdy, warto zadać pytanie czy politolog w swoim aparacie pojęciowym potrzebuje nowego terminu i czy może wnieść on coś do badań nad rzeczywistością polityczną, szczególnie biorąc pod uwagę wydarzenia takie jak Brexit czy wybór Donalda Trumpa na 45. Prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. Celem artykułu jest więc odpowiedź na pytanie: na ile postprawda tworzy pewną pojęciową autonomię? Drugim natomiast, jest pytanie o dystrybucję treści niezgodnych z prawdą i udział w tym procederze nowych mediów.
EN
Post-truth was acknowledged as the word of 2016 by the editors of the Oxford Dictionaries. Several months ago it was a fashionable term used by intellectuals and scholars in the social sciences to offer a better or worse description of the reality of the Western world and the quite unexpected collapse of its order. Today, post-truth is successfully employed in everyday speech by columnists, journalists and even satirists. Given this rapid popularity of post-truth, it is worth asking the question of whether a new term is required to complement the conceptual apparatus of political science, and if such a term can make any contribution to studies into the political reality, particularly when such events as Brexit or the election of Donald Trump as the 45th US President are taken into account. The purpose of this paper is therefore to answer the question of the extent to which post-truth is conceptually autonomous. Another question concerns the dissemination of false information and the participation of new media in this process.
EN
While the search for the essence of truth has its ancient record, the concept of post-truth is the most modern one. The concept of post-truth means situations in which facts have less influence on shaping public opinion than emotions and personal beliefs. New media, in particular social media and digital society, are an important medium nolens volens shaping reality. The existence of the notion of post-truth in the discourse, above all politicians, political scientists and media people, is beyond doubt. However, the very nature of this phenomenon is seen differently. When I started writing the text, I asked myself the following research questions: What are the features that define post-policy? To what extent does the concept of truth refer to a new phenomenon, and to what extent is it a new term for the phenomenon that has always accompanied politics and elections? What is the specificity of new media and the digital generation? Do they play the role of determinants or are they just a medium for shaping the post-truth process? Are modern elections digital or more information warfare? Looking for answers to these research questions, I will examine two cases of campaigns: the British Brexit campaign and the American presidential campaign Clinton-Trump. The text also undertakes an analysis of the post-truth phenomenon in the information war that has been taking place in eastern Ukraine since 2014.
EN
The aim of this article is to discuss the idea of fictional texts, which were published in the printed press in XVIII and XIX century. The author presents the famous fake news, hoaxes, puffs, and canards and analyzes how these forms were perceived by the press commentators of that time (such as Richard Steele, Joseph Addison, Jonathan Swift, Edgar Allan Poe, Gerard de Nerval, Honore de Balzac, Bruno Kicinski). In the press of the Enlightenment era, which was dominated by essay writing, fictional articles were usually created for satirical purposes and they were used to highlight various human flaws. The development of mass press in the nineteenth century contributed to the fact that publications based on false news were used by journalists for a different purpose. These texts were primarily treated as a tool to gain the reader's attention in order to expand the group of regular subscribers. In the press of the first half of the XIX century, fictitious articles were associated with a romantic appreciation of the imagination. In the history of the media fake news, hoaxes, and canards also served as entertainment. They aroused curiosity, attracted the attention of readers, and they allowed journalists to fill empty columns of periodicals during a period of severe censorship. The research focuses on three countries: England, France and Poland. The comparative perspective shows the differences and similarities in the approach to the problem of fictional texts presented by writers and journalists creating their texts in different languages.
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Postprawda a myślenie mityczne

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EN
The aim of the article is to show relationships and links between post-truth and mythical thinking and their mutual influence. Understanding these relationships is needed for an in-depth reflection on the increasingly common and important phenomenon shaping the public debate. The development of new media contributes to the development of post-truth, which changes the nature of interpersonal relations. Communication based on trust and certain accepted principles in the perception of the world is undergoing significant changes. It is not possible to say what is true or whether any truth is certain and constant. This epistemological fluidity leads to a situation of chaos and the suspension of the possibility of agreement between individuals, groups and communities. Breaking society into groups focused around its truths antagonizes social relations. The importance of this issue forces the study of its relationships with other forms of organizing the experience. One of them is mythical thinking. As the basic way of thinking about the world, it influences the social and individual vision of reality. In the text, I use my own definition of post-truth, presenting a deeper analysis of the phenomenon and its consequences for social life in the context of the mitogenic potential of this cognitive process.
EN
This article is devoted to the attitude to truth as a part of political epistemology and of political culture in post-Soviet Russia. It considers the extent to which the Great Terror contributed to the development of a specific political epistemology, which is also largely characteristic of later periods of Soviet history and perhaps even of today. Of particular interest is the population’s perception of the terror as inaccessible or poorly accessible to logical understanding. As main sources, the article relies on two literary texts: Lydia Chukovskaya’s Sofia Petrovna and Veniamin Kaverin’s The Open Book. Despite all the apparent differences between the Soviet system and today’s Russia, one important similarity is striking: over the last two decades (after 1999) there has been a visible increase in the belief that it is impossible for a political subject to separate truth from lying and that the sphere of public administration and political interests is, by definition, a place where deception prevails. This article discusses the potential historical roots of this certainty.
EN
Our truth culture has changed. Yet we are not living in a post-truth era but in a truth era – an observation of the ongoing debates shows a proliferation of invocations of truth. This paper argues that in order to grasp this transition, we should not refer to classical truth theories or common oppositions such as knowledge and belief, objectivity and subjectivity. Instead, we should focus on concrete practices in concrete situations: on “doing truth.” This paper introduces the concept of a “praxeology of truth,” which sets out to analyse truth by means of two parameters: “truth scenes” and “truth figures.” In suggesting that to ask about truth is to pose the question of power, it follows Michel Foucault, but it regards the invocation of truth as a technique of identity politics and truth as a social operator.
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EN
This article attempts to conceptualize post-truth as a form of structural violence in the sense proposed by Johan Galtung. The author argues that post-truth, understood as a systemic communicative environment, can result in long-term, uneven access to knowledge and a weakening of the epistemic agency of individuals and social groups. Drawing on the theories of epistemic injustice, epistemic oppression, and cognitive exploitation, the article demonstrates that post-truth not only disrupts the process of information exchange but also reproduces structural mechanisms of exclusion, deprivation, and epistemic marginalization. This phenomenon is analyzed as a form of violence that does not operate through physical coercion, but rather leads to a systemic cognitive deficit that undermines basic human needs related to understanding social reality. The article also discusses the limitations of this interpretation and its analytical potential in the context of civic and political education.
EN
The concept of symmetrism, even more so deep symmetrism, does not appear in academicliterature as a distinct field or topic. The purpose of this article is to elucidate the essence of thisphenomenon, believing it constitutes an important concept that bridges politics and persuasionin contemporary politics. Deep symmetrism is assumed to be the generative mechanismof political struggle in the context of the growing strength of populist argumentation, supportedby the actions taken by autocratic politicians when they are allowed to utilize wider resources.Symmetrism, originally a metanarrative, has evolved into a comprehensive system of duplicatingsocial institutions (doppelgangering) for the purpose of orchestrating political influence.As such, it closely connects to the history of propaganda and disinformation. The foundation forthis article is an analysis of political communication and its contexts during the 2023 electioncampaign in Poland, as reflected in mediated political discussions.
EN
This paper makes the attempt to highlight the role played in contemporary education by the notion of post-truth and the influence played in that matter by anti-intellectual tendencies. This issue seems to be imperious in the face of transformation tendencies of the schooling systems and the influence exerted by the world of politics in that context. This text reconstructs the most important aspects of the anti-intellectual stance, treating it as a specific phenomenon of a cultural nature. Furthermore, the emerging issue of post-education is addressed as it accompanies the anti-intellectual tendencies and strengthens their impact on the schooling level. Both issues are in a clear cause-and-effect relation to the phenomenon of post-truth.
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EN
The author reflects on historical narrative as a tool, sprung from human ontogenesis, for the foundation of social identity and contemporary as well as historical self-awareness of any human community - a tool useful, but also open to abuse. The author discusses a situation in which the existing narratives are either rejected, without being subject to analytical criticism, or in which civically/societally relevant narratives are absent. A special problem arises as a result of the most current situation in which the "posttruth" narratives politically compete with those which are created by critical historiography.
DE
Die methodologischen Diskussionen im Zuge der "linguistischen Wende" und die vorubergehende Begeisterung fur die Historiographie als "soziale Wissenschaft" haben die traditionelle Grundfigur der historiographischen Arbeit seit der Antike, also die erklarende, argumentative Erzahlung, infrage gestellt. Der Verfasser argumentiert, dass die narrative Form der Erfassung und Erklarung aktueller und desto mehr historischer Situationen eine der menschlichen Gesellschaft inharente erprobte Art des Selbst-Verstehens ist. Die narrative Zusammenfassung der historischen Erfahrung bildet die Basis der historischen Identitat jeder Kommunitat und sie hilft ihr, sowohl ihre Identitat aufzubauen als auch sich mit katastrophenartigen Situationen auseinanderzusetzen. Die grosen "Meistererzahlungen" haben allerdings oft auch negative (nationalistische, aggressive, antiemanzipatorische usw.) Zuge. Wenn diese legitimistischen, imperialen, rassistischen usw. Meistererzahlungen nicht kritisch dekonstruiert, sondern nur negiert bzw. ignoriert werden, mutieren sie zu noch schlimmeren Gebilden. In der heutigen Zeit der medialen "Postwahrheit" entstehen so - spontan oder zweckmasig - den gesellschaftlichen Konsens gefahrdende "Neo-Narrative". Der ausgebliebene kritisch-argumentative Dekonstruktionsprozess beschadigt die Gesellschaft im Grunde ebenso intensiv wie die abgelehnten Narrative selbst. Der Verfasser demonstriert dies am Beispiel der in der offentlichen Diskussion nicht kritisch hinterfragten oder gar uberwundenen Narrative und Paradigmata der kommunistischen Epoche in der Tschechoslowakei. Er schliest seinen Text mit der - sich auf die Konzeption von Konrad H. Jarausch stutzenden - Uberzeugung, dass die fur die Burgergesellschaft einzig produktive Losung darin besteht, die "ausgedienten", in einer offenen Diskussion dekonstruierten Narrative durch eine neue Generation pluraler, interdependenter oder multiperspektivischer, sich konkurrierender, quellenkritisch untermauerter historischer Erzahlungen zu ersetzen.
EN
This article focuses on the category of post-truth and its doubtful significance for political research in general and particularly for political theory. In the paper, numerous definitional and theoretical objections toward the concept of post-truth were presented, as well as it was attempted to point out that it is based on colloquial reasoning and does not fulfil scientific criteria, which disqualify posttruth from the catalogue of scientific categories. These considerations were embedded in wide theoretical context and congruent conclusions were formulated for enhancement of polish political theory.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest kategorii post- -prawdy i jej wątpliwemu znaczeniu dla badań politologicznych w ogóle i dla teorii polityki w szczególności. W tekście przedstawiono liczne zastrzeżenia pod adresem koncepcji post-prawdy, przede wszystkim definicyjne i teoretyczne, jak również starano się wykazać, iż koncept post- -prawdy opiera się na rozumowaniu potocznym i nie spełnia kryteriów naukowości, co wyklucza post-prawdę z katalogu kategorii naukowych. Rozważania osadzono w szerszym kontekście teoriopolitycznym i właśnie na potrzeby teorii polityki wyprowadzono odpowiednie wnioski.
PL
Artykuł stanowi wprowadzenie do zagadnienia krytycznej analizy przekazów medialnych w czasach tzw. postprawdy. W części pierwszej znajdziemy uporządkowane informacje na temat fake newsów oraz ich rozróżnienie na ich dwa główne typy: dezinformacje i tzw. mylne informacje. W rozdziale poświęconym postprawdzie, oprócz definicji zjawiska, Autorka koncentruje się na opisaniu współczesnego kontekstu medialnego. Znajdziemy tu odwołanie do pracy Jeana Baudrillard i jego teorii zastępowania prawdy jej symulacją. Artykuł zamykają rekomendacje dla użytkowników mediów, którzy chcą doskonalić swoje kompetencje w zakresie krytycznej analizy przekazów medialnych.
EN
The article is an introduction to the critical analysis of media messages in the times of post-truth politics. In the first part we can find basic informations about fake news, and their distinction into their two main types: disinformation and misinformation. In the next chapter, the Author focuses on describing the contemporary media context. We find here a reference to the work of Jean Baudrillard and his theory of replacing the truth with its simulation. The article closes recommendations for media users who want to develop their media competences.
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The Courage of Untruth?

75%
EN
Michel Foucault defined parrhesia as “the free courage by which one binds oneself in the act of telling the truth.” Could telling objective untruth also be a parrhesiastic act, insofar as it requires courage and initiates subjectivation? Climate deniers, anti-vaccinationists and other groups that delegitimize the authority of science present themselves as courageously standing up against the dominant discourse, as rebellious subjects who speak the inconvenient and unaccepted truths. It is not difficult to prove that their truths are untruths, but it remains problematic to distinguish true courage from its simulacra. This article argues that Foucault’s investigations of truth, subjectivity, and power become of great use in the face of today’s confusion. The phenomenon of post-truth cannot be explained simply as the product of postmodern relativism. The will-to-truth, along with the will to constitute oneself as a truth-telling subject, persists, requiring critical analysis more than ever. What may prove politically efficient is to engage in the kind of critique that would account for actual power relations and unmask false courage rather than debunk specific concepts or ideas.
Zarządzanie Mediami
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2025
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vol. 13
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issue 4
277-284
EN
Security, in the broadest sense of the word, requires enormous financial expenditure. Equally important, however, is the provision of social capital, garnered through the relationships and connections that bind individuals and social groups, facilitating completion of a multitude of tasks, and measured primarily by the level of mutual trust. A group with a high degree of mutual trust is capable of achieving more than one which lacks it. Proper functioning of the media expedites the growth of social capital. Public local media have both specific responsibilities and greater opportunities for action in this regard. Rooted in the ‘small homelands’ and drawing on shared experiences, cultural traditions, and even customs, on the matters near to their recipients’ hearts, they occupy an advantageous position when it comes to fostering a sense of community and faith in its worth. These media, operating close to their audiences, are familiar with the needs and interests of these groups and are capable of quickly acquiring and disseminating reliable information concerning local communities. They can also respond quickly to fake news emerging within local information spaces.
EN
Understanding the relationship between experts and laypeople is crucial for understanding today’s world of post-truth and the contemporary crisis of liberal democracy. The emergence of post-truth has been linked to various phenomena such as a flawed social and mass media ecosystem, poor citizen education, and the manipulation tactics of powerful interest groups. The paper argues that the problem is, however, more profound. The underlying issue is laypeople’s inevitable epistemic dependence on experts. The latter is part and parcel of the “risk society” in which people question the scientific consensus and thus are able to manipulate the facts. It is a powerful weapon in the hands of illiberal democrats, though liberal democrats can make no use of it. The latter downplay the problem of citizens’ epistemic deficits and of the epistemic asymmetries between them. The third and fourth generations of deliberative democrats are a perfect example. The paper argues that the concepts of interactional expertise and epistemic dependence explain why understanding between experts and laypeople is impossible. The said phenomena undermine liberalism’s unrealistic assumptions concerning citizens’ decision-making competence.
PL
Autorzy diagnozują współczesność jako zdominowaną przez medialne kreacje, koncentrują się przy tym na pojęciu postprawdy. Wskazują na sposoby konstruowania wiarygodnych obrazów rzeczywistości poprzez specjalne strategie marketingowe i medialne. Wszechobecne technologie „wytwarzania pragnień” tworzą społeczeństwo, w którym erozja zaufania zwiększa wpływ emocji na podejmowane decyzje. Afekty w połączeniu z anonimowością i brakiem odpowiedzialności oraz chęcią zysku wytwarzają efekt postprawdy, wykorzystany np. w stworzeniu tzw. piramidy finansowej spółki Amber Gold. Autorzy analizują materiały reklamowe i język perswazji użyty w kreowaniu oferty tej firmy oraz obrazu marki.
EN
The authors diagnose the present day as dominated by media creations, and draw attention to the concept of post-truth. They show how to construct reliable images of reality through special marketing and media strategies. The ubiquitous technologies of “creating desires” form a society in which the erosion of trust increases the influence of emotions on the decisions we made. Affects, combined with anonymity and lack of responsibility and the desire for profit, produce a post-truth effect, used, for example, in the creation of the so-called the financial pyramid of Amber Gold. The authors analyze advertising materials and the language of persuasion used in creating the company’s offer and brand image.
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