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EN
This paper is devoted to selected aspects of the concept of socio-political life, as emerging from the texts by authors affiliated with the Centre for Political Thought. It addresses some issues related to how these authors understand the State, and also discusses suggested reforms of the State, the limits of liberal democracy, and the relation between the State and civil society. Next, the paper goes on to discuss the views of the Centre for Political Thought authors on certain participants in public life: political parties and the media. Authors affiliated with the Centre are highlighting the need for strong State institutions that will be capable of pursuing specific policies. They are also stressing how important it is to develop such a governance model that could capture the essence of and define how to organise the Polish political community in such a way as to make it a value in itself for the citizens.
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony wybranym elementom koncepcji życia społeczno-politycznego, wyłaniającej się z tekstów autorów publikujących w Ośrodku Myśli Politycznej. Autor omawia wybrane zagadnienia dotyczące sposobu rozumienia państwa przez omawianych autorów, propozycji jego reform, granic liberalnej demokracji oraz stosunku państwa do społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Następnie prezentuje poglądy autorów związanych z OMP na temat wybranych uczestników życia publicznego: partii politycznych oraz mediów. Autorzy związani z Ośrodkiem akcentują potrzebę istnienia silnych instytucji państwowych zdolnych do realizacji ustalonej polityki. Wskazują na potrzebuje wypracowania modelu zarządzania, który określałby istotę polskiej wspólnoty politycznej i sposoby jej urządzenia, aby dla obywateli stanowiła wartość sama w sobie.
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Prawo i etyka - dwa bieguny

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Business ethics is usually seen as set of communicates addressed to representatives of the sphere of economy. Meanwhile this attitude towards the kind of knowledge seams to be false. There are two points which justify this opinion. First of them concerns the relation between legal and ethical perspectives useful to evaluate business phenomena. Both axiological systems (in indicated background) are complementary to one another. It tends to the second argument. The relation between low and ethics makes necessary to indicate the public sphere as the place, where managers together with citizens and politicians – day by day – take part in debate about rules of social and economic correctness each of them.
EN
There has been a long-standing discussion in Poland about the efficient and effective functioning of the social welfare and integration system. The transformations it has been undergoing for years in connection with the possibilities of benefiting from the EU funds and as a results of its attempted reforms and rationalisation demonstrate that the issue of professionalising the social worker profession is actually of little interest to anybody, despite the fact that this is a regulated profession with quite a strong presence in the current scientific discourse. If performed in a professional manner, methodical social work is a very important tool which may significantly contribute to increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of social interventions, thereby improving the quality of the public sphere in this segment. In this context, an important role is played by evaluation, understood as analysing the value of a specific action – with reference to social projects and programmes. Of particular importance here is the latest generation evaluation, which makes use of action research, thereby increasing the chances to raise the level of social participation and simultaneously reduce the problem of social exclusion. On the other hand, it is necessary to note the crucial role that evaluation may play in reinforcing and sustaining the professional identity of social workers, especially in the face of the constant changes and reforms of the social welfare system.
EN
In the article prepared on the basis of the analysis of “family stories” various forms of women’s presence in the public sphere of small local communities are discussed. Principal conclusions of those analyses concern: 1) culturally conditioned tendencies to masculinize the “public” family history; 2) a necessity to take into account different forms of non formalized activities when researching women’s activity in the public sphere; 3) a need to modify research tools applied for the analysis of women’s civic activity; 4) the postulate to take into account the concept of endogenous development in social programmes concerning the activization of women.
EN
The article focuses on the online communication on Polish Facebook and Twitter around issues related to mortgage loans in Swiss francs. Based on 20k posts retrieved from both Facebook and Twitter, we found the most active actors and the most common topics appearing on those micro-public spheres. It was revealed that actors with institutional affiliation and those who are not affiliated discuss different problems and share dissimilar content related to Swiss franc debts. It was also found that certain categories of actors may influence online discussions on both social networking sites by promoting specific content in order to pursue their institutional interests. Finally, the diversity of topics and problems discussed by the two categories of actors identified on Facebook and Twitter suggest that Swiss franc mortgage holders are a good example of “connective action” with no clear identity or community traits that led to favourable judgment of the European Court of Justice. 
EN
The article is focused on the constructing of national identity by the authorities of the Republic of Tajikistan by using such elements located in the public space of Tajik cities as monuments or billboards. Referring to certain values and historic symbols, they serve to build a specific vision of the Tajik nation and its history. For example, one of the key characters of national narration is the Iranian ruler Isma’il Samani (9th/10th century), today promoted as the “father” of the Tajik nation. Of course, some of these concepts appeared as early as the Soviet era or directly after the collapse of the USSR, but now they are of specific nature, connected with the social and political situation of the country. Using Manuel Castells’ terms, the analysed national identity may be referred to as legitimising – serving to consolidate the current power and domination.
EN
The article presents the entitled fields in the framework of their mutual influence. The notion of the public sphere is valuable for understanding the role that civil society plays in transitional justice processes. However transitional justice often reduces the idea of civil society to NGOs and ignores the social movements and civic engagement in the public realm that can be perceived as integral to the creation of new cases for understanding justice in transition. This fact results in the lack of perception of the civil society place in transitional justice processes. Thus the presented paper is based on hermeneutics, critical discourse analysis and dialogue between various theoretical approaches.
EN
For post‑communist states, which experienced programmative secularization of society, and are currently building civil society, the Western models of determining the place and role of religion in public sphere seem to be inadequate and simplistic. On the one hand, freedom of religion in this region symbolizes success of a new democratic order. On the other, the rapid pace of social, cultural and political changes causes dilemmas regarding the place of religion in public life, where religion is part of cultural, national and social identities. People are stretched between the freedom to be religious publicly, return to traditional religion and freedom of other choices. It therefore seems that, despite religious diversity and the presence of specific historical circumstances in individual countries, these societies share the perspective of determining the place of religion in the public sphere today, which is the basis of the specific features of religion in public life. The article presents an ovierview of observations and interpretations of characteristics of social practice to the presence of religion in the public sphere, which were distinquished on the basis of qualitative research conducted in Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine.
EN
This article discusses the copyleft concept in the context of peer production in the context of the changes that have taken place in the public sphere. As indicated by some studies (eg RD Putnam’s work), the traditional public sphere is in atrophy, and the dialogue between public actors has been transferred to the digital platform. This allows public actors to become independent of place and time, and the relative anonymity and allows them to change the role and scope of participation in public life. The dialogue takes place in the framework of the “new” public sphere and is reflected in the peer production process, which is based on a common pool of digital assets. Proper conduction of this process is dependent on institutional innovation, which is the copyleft concept. It is defined as a legal structure that gives the licensee or end user unrestricted right to use, modify and reproduce the work – in this case, a peer good, produced in the peer production process. In practice, this concept is a reversal of the basic purpose of copyright, the objective of reducing the possibility of using, modifying or copying of intellectual property. At the same time it uses copyright licenses through the appropriate wording for partner products. It is therefore a form of adaptation of existing institutional governance tools to new needs that have developed in parallel to the formation of the public sphere on the digital platform. The relationships between the “new” public sphere, producing peer production and the role played by the concept of copyleft implies the main objective of this study. It is the presentation of the idea of copyleft, and an indication of its practical application in the peer production process. An additional objective is to demonstrate the impact of the peer production process on a digital public sphere, particularly the exchange of digital information goods. The article discusses the peer production process and also the assumptions and the conditions in which it can take place. It also presents the causes of atrophy of the traditional public sphere and the need to adapt the tools of copyright protection in order to ensure public dialogue. The research studies are based largely on the example of the operating system GNU/Linux and knowledge repository – Wikipedia.org, through which the main assumptions of peer production are presented. The paper also points the practical importance of copyleft in this process and the effects it produces in the development of the relations between the actors of the public sphere. The authors have also analyzed the economic benefits of entities using the peer goods and applying copyleft licenses. This approach allowed to show the situations in which it is preferable to abandon copyrights rather than limit them. Considerations carried out in the article led to the following conclusions. First, the concept of copyleft allows shaping of social relations in the public sphere. Second, this relationships lead to the production of digital information goods, such as software and knowledge repositories. Third, the Internet eliminates restrictions on the choice of the role of the participants of the “new” public sphere. Finally, peer production affects the economy by increasing the overall efficiency due to the fact that it can be used by entrepreneurs to increase the profitability of the production process.
EN
The subject of the below deliberations in this text article is the quality and functioning conditions of public sphere in localities, and its image in local communities. The author ponders the question of responsibility identification for issues recognized as public, for almost three decades of the Republic of Poland self-governance. While using own observations and researches of others, the author attempts to formulate an answer to the question if there is an interrelation between a public discourse and political divisions, the scope of party involvement of public sphere, as well as citizens’ influence on current decisions and settlings in the area of public sphere via institutions or citizens’ budget. While identifying serious deficits in local public sphere, the author poses an unsolved question about a possibility of fixing public sphere deficits with the help of instruments used by the Internet community.
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The text develops further the author’s previous article Theatre of Immediate Intervention in Theoretical Recognition. In presenting the stage performances which follow the previously defined formula, she analyses the means of theatrical expression. Furthermore, she demonstrates how theatre invents the ways to comment on such contemporary social problems as homelessness, the situation of Polish soldiers returning from Iraq, working conditions in large production plants, or the situation of tenants evicted by the new housing estate owners. These stage productions often become theatrical events, engaging public opinion and launching a real intervention into the life of the community. Additionally, the author attempts to situate the “theatre of immediate intervention” in contemporary theatre and in public sphere.
EN
Jürgen Habermas’ theory of the public sphere has provoked a massive reaction in European historiography in the last thirty years. However, methodological debates driven by the new questions that it inspired in Germany, England, or France had no equivalent in Poland and more broadly in Eastern Europe. This essay suggests why this might have been the case and argues for the deeper engagement of Polish historians with the Habermasian theory. In the text, I reintro-duce the aims of the theory of the public sphere and look for the possible roots of its lacklustre reception among Polish historians in the idea about the Polish case’s supposed incompatibility with the course of modern history assumed by Habermas. I argue against this view, emphasising the flexibility and open‑endedness of the main Habermasian concepts, as well as underlining the necessity for a specifically Polish answer to Habermas’ theoretical enterprise. In the final part, I present the opportunities brought by adapting the theory to the Polish case, claiming that the original history of the Polish public sphere could be a prospective topic for both Polish historians and other historians of the public sphere.
EN
Mass media such as radio blurs the distinction between the public and the private. This article explores the gendered soundscape of a participatory radio campaign in Northern Uganda, which aimed to empower women and initiate debates on gender norms, including gender-based violence, teenage pregnancy, and women’s entrepreneurship. Draw-ing on feminist critiques of the public and private spheres, we explore the impact of radio on women’s empowerment. Ethnographic research found that participatory radio has the capacity to create a sense of community, an ‘intimate public sphere’, and critical consciousness about denied choices as a condition for further empowerment. Participatory radio also provides opportunities for women to deliberate and express opinions on public matters. The instances of political participation facilitated by the radio described in this paper exemplify feminist critiques of the supposed boundary between public and private activities. This paper thus encourages a rethinking of what counts as political engagement, recognising that inti-mate, everyday acts can contribute to promoting democratic participation and deliberation. However, radio’s impact is ultimately dependent on access to and control over technology, political institutions, and public social life – which women typically have less of – and the receptiveness of institutions and structures to popular change.
EN
The quest for a decent political order in many societies is imperative today because of the heterogeneous nature of our social existence and the complexity of our ever increasing socio-economic and political experiences. Since the public sphere is a domain of freedom exemplified by dialogical engagements, the outcome of such encounter must involve the intelligible thoughts of all discussants with the sole aim of dealing with the concerns and commanding the commitment of all to the decisions reached. In this study, it is argued that Deweyan democracy as an alternative theory of rational inquiry is relevant for engaging the present sordid condition of many Africans democratic practice and policy outcomes. As a rational procedure, it is averred that John Dewey􏱄s emphasis on epistemic properties of democratic discourse makes the proceduralist account of democracy superfluous and exposes the weakness of the content of democratic discourse in political actions and decisions. The study also contend that given the consensual state of Dewey’s epistemic thought, Jurgen Habermas theory rather than expanding the space of epistemic democracy stifled it because of his insistence on the force of a better argument in the resolution of conflicting concerns of dialoguers. The study therefore, argues for Dewey􏱄s democracy as an alternative mode of political order since it does not undermine the views of the citizens but gives room for the activation a certain set of attitude that can challenge prevailing opinions and accepts the views that do not embrace conventional wisdom􏱈a procedure that is necessary for the growth and development of our democratic space.
EN
The aim of the article is to present Hannah Arendt’s and Zygmunt Bauman’s theories of democracy and the Jewish question. The paper consists of three sections. In the first one, there are explained the main concepts of their conceptions of democracy. The second one investigates what the collapse of democracy means for both authors. The third one compares Arendt’s and Bauman’s opinions on the Jewish question. The conclusions explain the main differences and similarities between the researched theories.
EN
The article describes the most importnant tasks and competence of the Military Gendarmerie in the field of fighting against terrorism in Poland as well as during military missions. Special space of the article was dedicated to élite units which are the MG Specialized Units. Addictionally, the author presents the scope of co-operation of Military Gendarmerie with other services.
EN
Abstract: The aim of the article is to present the Polish discourse of politics related to the question of the abortion law. The analysis focuses on parliamentary debates that took place between 2006/2007 and 2016, thus, after years: 1989 and 2004 which are recognized as the two turning points of Polish transformation and democratization processes. The paper presents the discursive strategies applied by the adversaries as well as underlines the religious arguments formulated by them. The method, that has been chosen for the investigation, is the sociological discourse analysis defined mainly according to Jorge Ruiz and supplemented by the elements of the quantitative research.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy polskiego sporu aborcyjnego osadzonego w realiach dyskursu polityki. Analiza uwzględnia przede wszystkim debaty sejmowe z lat 2006/2007–2016, a więc te, które odbywały się po latach: 1989 i 2004, określanych jako dwa punkty zwrotne w procesach transformacji ustrojowej i demokratyzacji. Publikacja przedstawia główne strategie dyskursywne stosowane przez uczestników sporów oraz wskazuje na miejsce, jakie zajmują w nich wątki religijne. Metodą wykorzystaną w pracach jest socjologiczna analiza dyskursu, zdefiniowana głównie według założeń Jorge Ruiz Ruiz i uzupełniona elementami analizy ilościowej.
EN
In this paper we analyze the nascent years of the Polish public sphere during the years before and after the 1905 Revolution. We assert that it was a moment of clash between, on the one hand, the intelligentsia and its de facto bourgeois vision of politics, and on the other a rising proletarian counter-public. The popular unrest initiated a massive upsurge of workers into the process of mass politics. As we argue, this situation shocked the elites, attached to their utopian vision of the Polish people, “enlightened” from above by the intelligentsia. Consequently, their reaction was ambivalent, if not reluctant. The intelligentsia’s attitude was growingly tainted with a conservative fear of the masses, which inhibited the development of plebeian constituencies and forms of political articulation. This posed a cornerstone for the future layering of the public sphere, leading to what we call its pathogenesis. It produced outcomes lasting for years, as well as a general contempt towards democratic demands resulting in the impossibility of collective bargaining about popular economic interests.
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Mediatization is a process that is interesting to a researcher and political scientist for at least two important reasons. On the one hand, it becomes the area of scientific researches, inspirations and reflections, as it encourages to observe the changing frameworks, within which the political entities function, as well as the instruments and means used by them to complete tasks and achieve goals. However, on the other hand, mediatization is also a process which has impact on scientific environments, including also the community of political scientists, which seems to be a particularly interesting collective entity. This environment not only observes and describes the reality of mediatization, but also actively participates in its creation by means of diverse activities of researchers in the media. The author makes an attempt to indicate what are the implications of this media activity of researchers and what dilemmas it raises.
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