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EN
This paper reviews Matěj Bílý’s second book on the Warsaw Pact history outlining the final years of Pact’s functioning and its demise, parallel to the demise of the Soviet Union and its domination in the Central and Eastern Europe.
EN
The initial section of the article elaborates on diverse attitudes towards abortion, and specifies the number of abortions performed before and after the fall of the Soviet Union. The following section presents spatial characteristic of the performed abortions against the largest Russian administrative units. Regional conditioning has been analysed based on the number of abortions per 100 labours and number of abortions among women in labour age (between 15 and 49 years of age). The article also discusses the activity of non-governmental women organisations which aim at providing medical information and participate in the family planning initiatives. Finally, the article presents the rules and conditions of allowing to perform abortion and significant changes in Russian legislation on that issue.
EN
The texts by V. Vysotsky feauture prominently the theme of “hunting” – for the game and for a hu- man as the game. Non-humanitarism of trailing, chasing and battue is thoroughly elaborated. This non-humanitarism as Vysotski puts it is a sign of the totalitarian system which gives no room for a free individual. Both the humans and the game are deliberately annihilated for the pleasure of the high and mighty of this world. A common Soviet human being is a parallel of the baited game.
EN
The article describes the process of so called „Soviet nation” building. Using the contemporary western theories (multiculturalism, invention of tradition, constructivist approach to the nation-building process), the author discusses this process as a trial of political nation building but – at the same time – neglecting of the policy of recognition. The catalogue of common “soviet people’s” values promoted by the Communist Party (common communism building, victory over the fascism) and the specific characteristics of “socialist nations” are also presented.
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Sartre a Merleau-Ponty tváří v tvář totalitarismu

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EN
An example of how difficult it was for some left-orientated French intellectuals to come to terms with information about the real situation in the Soviet Union is provided by the conflict between M. Merleau-Ponty and J.-P. Sartre in 1953, which led to Merleau-Ponty’s departure from the editorship of the review journal Temps modernes. Prior to this, in 1950, Sartre had lent his signature to an article in which Merleau-Ponty reacted to information coming out about the Soviet punitive and prison system by calling into question the very socialist character of the Soviet regime. After the outbreak of the Korean war, however, Sartre adopted an unequivally pro-Soviet and pro-communist standpoint and did not wish to see Temps modernes give space to the opinions of this opposing viewpoint. In this article we provide an analysis of the letters which the two philosophers exchanged on this matter
EN
The history of relations between the center and the particular regions during one of the vital periods following the first Five-Year-Plan (1932) until the end of the “great terror” late in 1938 is discussed. It was a short period of certain stabilization after the preceding chaos produced by the Stalinist transformation of the country in the early 1930s until the end of unprecedented terror of 1937–1938. Much attention is paid to the key moments in the center-vs.-regions relations and the author shows that the regional officials were always able to resist the centralization policy of Moscow by applying a variety of strategies and procedures. This changed with the launch of “great terror” in 1937–38 and the regions with their officials mostly turned to willing executors of the orders coming from Moscow. The terror also aimed at the existing regional officials at all levels, who were replaced by a new generation, fully dependent on Stalin. The regime also started using terror as one of the main tools of controlling the state and society.
Forum Philosophicum
|
2010
|
vol. 15
|
issue 2
413-425
EN
In this article I will present and analyze the concept of all-unity of the two most famous Russian philosophers—Vladimir Soloviev (1853–1900) and Semyon Frank (1877–1958). As will be argued, the concept of all-unity is part of an old philosophical tradition. At the same time, it is an original idea of the Russian thought of the Silver Age (the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries).
EN
The article focuses on the selected issues of the Soviet Union's power politics towards South Africa, especially during the period of apartheid. Also the period before introduction of the apartheid in 1948 is mentioned. The problem is presented with the perspective of global Soviet foreign policy with particular reference to the situation in Southern Africa (support for anti-colonialism, liberation movements, new independent states and engagement in solving regional conflicts etc.). Special attention is drawn into the Soviet Union attitude towards white South African government as well as contacts and support for the African National Congress and in less extent for the South African Communist Party. The evolution of the Soviet Union's power politics towards South Africa, especially in the 80's and at the beginning of the 90's is underlined.
EN
For about ten years now people in NATO member states have, on a daily basis, been confronted with the faltering attempts by their troops to create a semblance of stability in Afghanistan. It is now widely recognized that Afghanistan has become an intractable international problem. This article, however, focuses on previous attempts to impose solutions. Beginning in the late 1970s and continuing throughout the 1980s, the two Cold War superpowers, the USSR and the USA, intervened in Afghanistan’s affairs. In this article the legality, under international law, of those efforts is examined. This requires an extensive analysis of international law as applicable to external interventions in civil wars. It will be demonstrated that neither the USSR’s invasion of Afghanistan, nor the USA’s massive support of the Afghan rebels, was reconcilable with international law. Considering the fact that these ill-advised interventions in Afghanistan backfired on both superpowers, they constitute a good object lesson to demonstrate that the prohibition of external interventions in civil wars not only reflects what international law demands, but is also simple common sense. Recent interventions in Bahrain and Libya are also briefly examined as to their legality, and this examination includes projections whether the unsatisfactory results of the Afghanistan interventions will be replicated there.
EN
The article describes the process of so called „Soviet nation” building. Using the contemporary western theories (multiculturalism, invention of tradition, constructivist approach to the nation-building process), the author discusses this process as a trial of political nation building but – at the same time – neglecting of the policy of recognition. The catalogue of common “soviet people’s” values promoted by the Communist Party (common communism building, victory over the fascism) and the specific characteristics of “socialist nations” are also presented.
PL
The Ukrainian Soviet Nation – some remarks from the multicultural perspective. Part 2. In the article the author discusses the “Soviet nation” as a project of political nation based on the ethno-cultural, not only Russian, but rather Russian-Slavic (including also Ukrainians and Belarusians) core. Through the prism of the language russification and collective memory problems of Ukrainians and other nations, the official Soviet ethno-policy is presented as an boutique multiculturalism, not the values negotiating, but considering the difference between russification and sovietisation. The role of the Moscow Orthodox Church in the unifying of the borderlands of the SU is also signalized.
EN
The letter sent by Ayatollah Khomeini to Gorbachev seems to be important in modern Iranian historiography presenting Khomeini as an influential and prophet-like “father of the revolution”. The letter brings Khomeini’s personal insights into the situation of the Soviet Union offering to its leader Islam as the only solution for internal and external problems. The letter in fact may be consider an example or rather a product of Iranian political culture, an attempt to return to the global and finally as a Khomeini’s answer to history.
EN
The article attempts to analyse the conceptualisation of the scientist-physicist based on the examples of selected reportages by Hanna Krall and Jacek Hugo-Bader. The analysis was conducted in an axiolinguistic key and its aim was to confirm the thesis about the important role of physicists in the Soviet axiosphere. It can be observed that in the axiological profile of a physicist, obtained on the basis of an empirical analysis, instrumental values dominate and these are closely connected with the fact that physicists are associated with political interests. Physicists, who function as objects of evaluation in the analysed reportages, are also a means of an indirect evaluation in relation to the political system in the USSR and reflect ways in which the country treats its citizens. The empirical material analysed allows us to conclude that within the Russian linguistic-cultural area, the physicist does not refer us only to a scientist dealing with a specific research discipline, but deserves to be called a concept that reflects a characteristic stage of the social and political life of the USSR, permanently inscribed into the axiosphere of that period.
EN
After the restoration of Polish statehood in 1918, its foreign policy began to rebuild. Its limits were given mainly by its geopolitical location between the two great powers - Germany and Russia, respectively. Soviet Union. Although those states were in the position of defeated or ostracized ones after the war, they always had hidden territorial interests in Poland and did not intend to accept the loss of territory in favor of a restored Poland. The relations with the Bolshevik Soviet Union, with which Poland led the bloody war until 1921, which resulted in the acquisition of western Lithuanian, Belarusian and Ukrainian territories, were particularly pronounced. Thus, the interwar Polish policy had to face with the still difficult task of maneuvering between these two stronger powers, which have become hegemons of power in this part of Europe since the thirties years. Although Polish foreign policy tried to maintain the necessary alliances with the guarantors of the after-Versailles division of Europe, especially with France and Great Britain, respectively to build the concepts of one's own power-security bloc (so-called Intermare), the revisionist policies of the neighboring great powers became decisive for its future. Because the growing confrontational policy of Nazi Germany, the relationship with the Soviet Union became crucial. Unfortunately, in those relations, despite efforts to build regional collective security systems, the aversions and fears caused by the recent war were never overcome. The inability to agree on a common defense or the promotion of wider collective security and the excessive relations distinctiveness of Warsaw and Moscow ultimately meant the victory of pursuing only one's own power and security interests. This, with the reality of encirclement by the totalitarian powers, ultimately resulted in a tragic so-called Fourth Division of Poland.
EN
This study sets its goal to establish, on the basis of documents in the Russian archives that have been made accessible, that in the Soviet society of the 1960s a new concept was expressed about the possible development of the USSR. It was took shape in the milieu of the scientific, technical, and artistic intelligentsia and it emerged from an understanding of the social significance of the global changes that accompanied the transformation of industrially advanced countries into the new postindustrial period. The conception of potentially asserting a greater degree of freedom in public life predominated. The so-called “science cities” became the centers of these activities in the USSR. These towns had been built in various parts of the country and were equipped with top-of-the-line technical facilities and above- standard living and working conditions for the Soviet scientific elite.
EN
The paper discusses the study of the evolution of trade and economic relations between Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union in the period of 1990–1992, in the process of breakup and after the breakup of the bipolar international system. The relations between the USSR and Czechoslovakia held a prominent place in the foreign policy and foreign economic strategy of the Soviet Union. The breakup of the social community marked the end of the active cooperation of the two countries. This paper discusses the analysis of the state of mutual trade and cooperation in the areas of science and technology, reasons for a significant decrease of the trade economic relations of the USSR and Czech and Slovak Federal Republic in the period of 1990–1992, as well as the consequences for the both countries. Moreover, the objective of author was to familiarize contemporary Russian readers with a recent history of relations between the two countries, with a subjective estimation of the importance of mutual collaboration, and the generalization of both Czech and English-language materials discussing the relations of the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia.
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