The article deals with the phenomenon of linguistic sexism in the Czech language. The authoress argues for the development of non-sexist strategies in the Czech language and proposes the list of possible strategies how to reach gender neutral form of language. Her main argument is that language disposes symbolic power to define the content of gender roles and thus it can naturalize socially constructed interpretation of masculinity and femininity. Furthermore, she proposes examples and unveils the subconsciously working gender unequal practises in using language. For example, it is common in the Czech language to use generic masculine when speaking about men and women together. However, the authoress gives evidence that these practices support stereotypes concerning the construction of men's and women's role in society. Furthermore, it is well-established to change the form of foreign women's surname according to Czech language practise. As a result of this the surname is changed and difficultly recognizable and loses its function as a 'brand' that consequently disadvantages women. ( www.genderonline.cz/view.php?cisloclanku=2006013101)
The author analyses ten characteristic features of the contemporary anti-globalist movement thus providing evidence for the argument that it is an example of a 'new' new social movement. The anti-globalist movement exhibits a set of internal contradictions. For example, the uncivil tactics the movement employs clash with the civic nature of its sole rational objective, which is the grass-roots evolutionary modelling of institutions and civic communities. A consequence of this in-born paradox is the futility of anti-globalists' actions, which in turn entails the self-destruction tendency of the anti-globalist movement.
This paper is an attempt at presenting the construct of open society as a consequence of the critical rationalist position. The above mentioned position was originally taken by Karl Popper on the basis of methodology of the (natural) sciences. If we accept this interpretation, which is quite different from Bryan Magee's thesis (though at first glance seeming identical), it will be much easier to capture the factual 'weaknesses' in Popper's political philosophy. The historical context in which his reflections arose (especially his two books: 'The Poverty of Historicism' and 'The Open Society and Its Enemies') was not without influence on his proposal, which the author treated as his personal contribution to the fight against the authoritarian and totalitarian ideology.
The article presents the analysis of research on the visions of the existing social order that were forming among the citizens of Warsaw in the period preceding the outburst of open social conflict in the 1980s. The author distinguishes five types of these visions: 'optimistic', 'permissive', 'indifferent', 'reformist' and 'radical'. The differentiation of these visions depending on different position in social structure of the individuals who voice them (such as their professional occupation, level of education, place of work, economic standing, social background, belonging to social organizations, membership in political organizations and attitudes to religion) forms the central analytical problem of the article. The analysis aims at finding out, which features of social position favor particular types of visions of existing social order. The patterns of dependencies derived from multivariate analysis are far from being clear-cut, however, which leads the author to suggesting that position in social structure cannot be sole predictor of attitudes to existing social order and perhaps other factors (i.e. cultural ones) have to be included in the analysis.
This article presents the findings of a qualitative research project which aimed to map the political evaluations and the social effects of the changing concept of family and the changing forms of family life. By interviewing political and economic decision-makers we intended to highlight the goals and the motives of the different family policy approaches, the characteristic features of the family concepts reflected by the policy-makers' decisions, as well as the relationship between state family policies and labor market policies on the one hand, and equal treatment expectations concerning both genders, on the other. On the basis of interviews conducted with ordinary people we examined how much people's lives are practically influenced by the family policy measures introduced by the political and the economic decision makers. According to our findings the two different categories of respondents saw specific family policy issues in different ways - their interpretations of family policy as a whole, however, were rather convergent. The importance of providing equal opportunities for men and women, increasing the female employment rate, acknowledging the plurality of family lifestyles, reconciling work and family life - being European expectations as well as conditions of a satisfactory life - seemed to be overshadowed by the demographic issues of fertility and procreation.
A fast devastation of natural environment, wasteful exploitation of natural resources and accumulation of technological dangers is now taking place on the global scale. It seems to be impossible to counter-act these processes without executing a controlled slow down of economic growth and scientific-technological development. In this article the author examines the possibilities to limit growth in socialism - defined as a system where private property plays small role and economy is directed mainly with the use of command and control methods. He discusses in turn: the determinants which make deliberate slow down of economic growth in socialism unlikely; the difficulties of central coordination of economy in the condition of limited growth; and factors which support the politics of near zero growth in socialism. He also compares socialism with capitalism and proposes that policy of near zero growth is somewhat more probable in the first of these social orders. In the last section of this article he argues that a return of socialism is a real eventuality: 1. Accumulation of civilizational dangers pushes the state to expand which in turn makes the control of many spheres of social life more and more tightly. 2. Capitalism is destabilized by the fast growth of social inequalities on the global scale, especially in rich countries. 3. Foreign debt of United States is huge and it is still growing which makes the breakdown of its economy (and consequently a world-wide slump) more and more probable. Realisation of this scenario would lead to serious de-legitimisation of capitalism. It is hard to guess whether socialism can return before the devastation of natural environment, exploitation of natural resources and mounting technological dangers make it impossible. It is now probable, that soon we can expect the emergence of social order that will be in many ways similar to that which existed before the era of industrialisation.
The author carries out the analysis of the nature of disputed interaction in modern sport. It is shown, that there are opposite approaches describing relations between sport and the social conflict in the scientific literature. The supporters of one of them consider modern sports as a source of the social conflicts, because the essence of sport competition is conflict. The supporters of the opposite approach estimate the role of sport in restriction and overcoming the conflicts positively and rather highly, comprehensively emphasizing the importance of sport as a factor of peace, friendship, international mutual understanding, and decrease of aggression. It is noted, that the use of sport in the achievement of political purposes lead to the appearance of conflict situations in the international sport, especially in Olympic game realization. The author analyses the reasons, form and feature of the political protests in sport. In spite of this, the sport can be considered as a sample of conflicts restriction, because the sports activity is regulated on the basis of principles of fair play and equality of chances. The sports can have an effective influence on physical, mental, spiritual characteristics and abilities of the human.
The paper deals with educational homogamy over years within the last quarter of the 20th century in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. All the marriages entered into in these countries between 1976 and 2003 (in three-year periods) are analyzed and the temporal and spatial variation of educational homogamy is explored. Log-linear and log-multiplicative models are used. The major aim of the paper is to answer the question on how educational homogamy developed in post-socialist countries before 1989 as well as following it and how individual post-socialist countries differ among themselves on the basis of these developments. Results show that in terms of spatial variation both in 1976 and in 2003 relative educational homogamy was the lowest in the Czech Republic, it was somewhat higher in Hungary and the highest in Slovakia. In terms of temporal variation in all three countries one can observe the same development which has the shape of 'U'. From 1976 to the beginning of the 1990s educational homogamy was on the decrease, during the first half of the 1990s it reached its minimum and from the second half of the 1990s it strengthened either rapidly (in the Czech Republic and Slovakia) or only gradually (in the case of Hungary). In all the countries under study the development of educational homogamy also involved the transformation of the pattern of educational assortative mating which, however, is not the same in all the countries.
The article presents Irena Nowakowska (1912-2006), a disciple of Stefan Czarnowski (1879-1937) - a member of Durkheim school, one of the founding-fathers of academic sociology in Poland. Nowakowska witnessed the beginning, development and political complications in the life of Warsaw sociology. She conducted important research on the Polish Holocaust survivors (1947-1950) and on the social identity of Polish scholars after the fall of Stalinism (1959). Her biography is more than the description of a single life - it serves as an illustration of the impact of history on the life of scholars and scientific research in Poland.
This article examines the economic and social transformation occurring in post-communist societies, with a particular focus on the emergence of new social risks (NSRs) and the subsequent welfare state responses. It argues that Central and Eastern European countries are characterised by broader NSR types (a mix of old and new social risks) and groups than those present in the West. In order to deal more effectively with the requirements of the post-industrial, knowledge-based, and service economy, the reasons for a new political economy of skill formation and for a new empowering politics of the welfare state capable of strengthening the potential of individuals to adapt to more flexible labour markets are discussed. The new empowering politics of the welfare state proposed here would consist of four main pillars: 1) a guaranteed minimum income; 2) a basic income for children; 3) state investments for education and human capital formation; and 4) a guaranteed basic pension. The aim is to empower the individual through decommodification, childhood investment, human capital formation, and a rebalancing of life risks. The article concludes by reflecting on the political feasibility of this proposal.
The article - based on the latest results - reconstructs the main steps of human evolution. It identifies the most important 'revolutions' and analyses their effects on the 'behaviour-programmes' of the Homo. These 'programmes' are built on each other, and determine the individual and social behaviour of humans. These evolutionary steps and behaviour-programmes are analysed by different social sciences, such as human ecology, sociobiology, evolutionary psychology, and subsequently by cultural anthropology. The article argues that it is useful to differentiate between the steps of the emergence of the modern human and symbolic 'revolution' and later, between the neolith and institutional revolution.
Most societies of the developed world are ageing rapidly. The number of the pensioners has been rising continuously during the past decades. In the future we are facing even bigger rises in the number and share of old (65 +) population while the number of working age (15-64) population will rise only slowly or in many developed countries it is going to stagnate or decline. The old-age dependency ratio (number of older people over 65 relative to the working age population) will rise in all OECD economies posing a critical challenge to the public finances. The public pension expenditure as a percent of GDP has risen in the EU-15 from about 6% in 1960 to over 12% in 2000 and on the assumption that no action will be taken to address this situation, pension spending could reach the unsustainable levels close to 20% of GDP in the coming decades. The ageing together with the fast improvement of the (mostly very expensive) medical technologies also leads to the expanding health-care costs in public budgets. The replacement of the part of working age population through migration could help to reduce the financial burden of ageing. The aim of the paper is to answer the question: is replacement migration a good solution for the EU and America to tackle the rising fiscal expenditure on pensions? Does it help to solve the financial consequences of ageing? If the main goal of the immigration is the economic benefit for the host societies - the author thinks it should be - then migration must have a positive fiscal effect on the public budgets. If the immigrants pay more to the public budget than they receive from it, the fiscal effect of migration is positive. If the immigrants 'pay their way' we can talk about a transfer of wealth from the immigrants to natives. In this case immigration helps to reduce the financial burden of ageing. The author argues, that during the last two decades in many Western countries the migration lead to more costs then benefits and created more problems than solved. Some EU members - instead of using immigration as a tool to tackle the financial consequences of ageing - were creating their new ethnic underclass. The fiscal impact of immigration is strongly dependent on the various factors, notably the state of the labour market, the composition of migrants, the extension of the welfare states and the access of immigrants to the welfare benefits. So any immigration reform targeting a positive fiscal balance shall take these factors into consideration.
The following paper consists of the description and application of an approach to the research of political sphere in the Internet. The first part is a theoretical introduction to the network analysis. It sketches the issues of political research in the Internet. The second part presents the research focused on the analysis of political orientation which emerges out of the network structure of Internet hyperlinks connecting political domains.
Processes of long duration led to a division of the European space according to two criteria: the cultural and the economic one. The cultural criterion manifests itself as a division into the Catholic and the Protestant cultural realm, while the economic criterion consists in delineating the east-European economic complex. Protestantism and western European status are synonyms of Europe's centre of development. The remaining European territories received developmental stimuli by way of cultural import. The impact of Communism on the economy and society in Poland consisted, among others, in a renaissance of some feudal institutions and patterns of conduct. European geopolitics led to the emergence of so-called ideological regions, which are discussed on the examples of Poland and Germany.
The aim of the article is to indicate some conditions that may exert an influence on the implementation of the Pilot 'Leader+' Programme in the rural areas of Poland. One of the Programme's most important tasks is to stimulate the activity of local communities and the formation of local partner ties. In analysing the possibilities of achieving the earlier described objectives with the help of the 'Leader' initiative it is necessary to take into account several factors connected with the specific character of the Polish countryside. These factors may be decisive for the chances of and threats to the Programme's animation.
The article presents radical and consistent critique of the Polish political elite by Stanislaw Wyspianski - the examples are his eight dramas, interpreted as black political comedies. Stanislaw Wyspianski accuses the elite of lack of factual knowledge and efforts to fulfil Polish national interests and aspirations. He brings as well an accusation of lack of socio-political imagination, ingenuity and resourcefulness in social engineering, lack of the ability to think in terms of strategy and lack of boldness in thinking, which is a duty of public life leaders.
The article discusses the application of Gadamer's concept of indistinctiveness to the photography and soap-opera. It may be quite astonishing that the same perceptual mechanism connects photography and soap-opera. We can say that this is a veristic attitude. Receivers of both media have serious problems in distinguishing between performance or photographical image and the real live, between fiction and documentary. Nowadays, digital techniques of simulations allow us to create virtual reality and present it in the mass media. But it seems to be very different case from indistinctiveness between art and real live. The game of simulation is based on the ability to produce the illusion without any connection with real, material background.
A national representative survey in November–December 2007 suggests that there was little consensus about the nature of the 'Orange revolution', and that perceptions varied considerably by region and age-group. The main reason for participation was to 'protest against the authorities', but here too there were considerable regional differences. Eight focus groups conducted in different parts of the country allowed participants to articulate their distinctive interpretations of the events: an 'Orange' narrative that saw the events of late 2004 as an authentic popular uprising, and a 'Blue' narrative that saw them as a Western-funded coup. After the event, increasing numbers felt they had lost rather than gained, with the gains clearest in respect of freedom of speech and losses most marked in relations with Russia. Different views of the revolutionary events in turn were closely associated with voting choices in the September 2007 parliamentary election.
The article investigates the practice of female marriages in 19th century Great Britain and United States and argues that female marriages provided model for more progressive forms of the legal marriage between men and women. Unlike homosexuality in the 20th century, the same-sex relationships between women in the 19th century often enjoyed social recognition and some women in female marriages occupied prominent social positions. Because they were considered to rest on contract, female marriages served as inspiration for the contractual view of marriage advocated by many supporters of the Victorian marriage reform. The contribution of women in female couples to the success of the marriage reform was further underlined by their belonging to influential social networks. The author also argues that while the structuralist anthropology of mid-20th century, represented through the work of Claude Levi-Strauss, had limited understanding of homosexuality as a socially legitimate phenomenon, the Victorian anthropology of the second half of the 19th century was relatively more open regarding the same-sex relationships. It is contended that authors as diverse as Henry Maine, Johann Bachofen, or Frederick Engels provided impulses in their work both for a positive evaluation of the same-sex relationships and for a more egalitarian understanding of marriage.
This paper examines young adults' orientations to citizenship in Britain, drawing on surveys of random samples of 18-24 year olds. A range of experiences, behaviour and attitudes are explored including: citizenship education, voting, attitude to voting, party affiliation, participation in clubs and societies and engagement with social and political issues. These questions have been asked at a time when citizenship is on many agendas and there is much concern about the apparent apathy of young people regarding local, national and supranational issues. In Britain, some commentators hoped that the advent of a Scottish parliament would help re-engage young people in Scotland with politics and citizenship. This paper compares young people living in Edinburgh, Scotland with young people living in Manchester, an equivalent sized city in England. Like previous research, our data show that while young people are interested in social and political issues they do not focus their concerns on engagement with formal political systems. Many hold negative views about politics, such as feeling that they have little control over what the government does. However, young people's disaffection with voting is somewhat lower in Edinburgh than Manchester despite no greater faith in political parties. This may be an effect of the Scottish parliament. At the same time, young people in Edinburgh are only slightly more likely to be involved in associations and no more likely to be interested in and engaged with a range of wider social and political issues. If there is an effect of devolution on active citizenship, it is, at least for this cohort of young citizens, a very modest one.
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