Search results - CEJSH

1

A rigid view of sovereignty in international diplomacy

100%

Stankiewicz W.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2010

|

vol. 39

273-291

EN

Sovereignty is a broad based concept which grants enormous powers to heads of states within their boundaries. That power may sometimes pave the way for the abuse of sovereignty. There are many cases throughout history where the States tended to use their sovereign powers beyond their limits and tried to extend their sovereignty in an abusive manner, either within or outside their territory.

2

On the need of reconstruction of the research area in the international relations. Reflections of the political-normative, systemic and metaphorical nature

100%

Łoś-Nowak T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2011

|

vol. 40

138-155

EN

At the turn of the 21st century, under the influence of “quick transformation” undergone by the international relations, we have rather to do with “a carnival” of theoretical approaches competing with each other. Undoubtedly, it hampers the discourse about the research area within the scope of what is usually de" ned as international relations, and about epistemological condition of the discipline with over 100 years of tradition. In this theoretical chaos there are being posed questions if the international relations are “clearly de" ned domain of intellectual reflection, if they have specific features distinguishing” them against other social sciences, or if it is possible to create universal mega-theory in the international, dynamic, diverse and energetic environment, and if yes, then further questions are appearing. They concern two issues: ontological beings around which the international relations, seen as “autonomous,” scientifically clear discipline, would consolidate, and methods of acquiring knowledge about it. Those who doubt, especially philosophers and sociologists, pose also questions if and how much it is possible to get objective knowledge, that is not burdened with the reflex of subjective system of values, ideas and experiences of a researcher.

3

The 'Theory' in the Study of International Relations and Political Science

100%

Sielski J.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2007

|

vol. 36

174-185

EN

In this article the author is going to answer the question, that intrigues many researchers of international relations and political science – is it possible to build a grand theory explaining actions and behaviours of political, and international, entities? International relations are distinguished from other disciplines of science by its special character: they are polyarchic, plural, complex and impulsive. This is why we find here, exceptional in contrary to other, more mature disciplines, diversity of opinions and answers to the question – in what way international relations shall be build? Searching for the right answer the researchers of international relations have to cross borders of many disciplines, also using research methods of sociologists, historians, economists, lawyers, psychologists and anthropologists. There is a similar problem with political science, as the political matter is widely interpreted and, depending on the researcher and the analysed political system, its scope is wide as when using so called largo sense in the totalitarian states, where even the choice of school for a child has a political character or as when using so called strict sense in the democratic systems.

4

Problem granicy w stosunkach Federacji Rosyjskiej z Republiką Łotewską w 2005 roku – stracona szansa?

100%

Letko P.

Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski

|

2011

|

vol. 2

151-162

EN

Conversations about setting the route of the border between the Russian Federation and the Republic of Latvia have been carried since 1990 when Latvia regained independence. The demand for reinstatement of part of Abrene county (presently Pytałowo), 23000 sq km, which was incorporated to Pskowski district in 1944, constituted the main problem. Border agreement was negotiated and initiated in 1997, but signing the document was put off for various reasons. In 2004 the border between Russia and Latvia became at the same time the border of EU and NATO. On that account its formal regulation became very important issue. Russia, which was preparing for solemn celebrations of 60th anniversary of the end of the Second World War, cared about the presence of the leaders of Baltic countries in Moscow. Hence, the year 2005 was the time of increased diplomatic activity between Moscow and Riga. However, the question of border agreement was not dealt with definitely. What is more, the events which took place at that time delayed final solution to this problem even further..

5

The village of Poiana Micului in Bukovina and the avatars of Romaniaʹs relations with Czechoslovakia and Poland

80%

Bruja R. F.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

|

2015

|

vol. 18

326-339

EN

The village of Poiana Micului in Bukovina does not enjoy a reputation in the Romanian space. Few people know that, since 1842, an ethnic community that is defined as being of Polish origin lives here. During the twentieth century its history was influenced by the policies pursued by Czechoslovakia (respectively Slovakia, for the years between 1939 and 1944) and by Poland. The rivalry between the two countries to achieve strategic supremacy in Central Europe, and especially the territorial dispute in the border region of Teschen (Czech: Těšín), spawned a competition for defining the Slovak‐Polish community in Bukovina. The reason of otherness of the Poles and Slovaks in relation to the Romanians was born from this rivalry. In turn, Romania treated the mentioned community with pragmatism according to its interest at the time, successively encouraging once the idea of Polish origin, and later the idea of Slovak origin of this ethnic group.

6

Contemplating Japanese and Korean Relations in Historical, Regional and International Relations Theoretical Contexts

80%

Strnad G.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2011

|

vol. 29

269-286

PL

Podejmując problematykę stosunków japońsko-koreańskich starano się przedstawić je w trzech kontekstach: historycznym, bezpieczeństwa regionalnego w Azji Wschodniej po zimnej wojnie i teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Od najdawniejszych czasów historia stosunków między Japonią a Koreą naznaczona była aktami agresji i przemocy ze strony Japonii. W wyniku najazdu dokonanego przez Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1592–1598) Korea na długie lata popadła w zapaść gospodarczą. Japońska okupacja Korei (1910–1945) zapisała się w świadomości narodu koreańskiego jako okres prześladowań i eksterminacji. Pamięć o próbach wykorzenienia tożsamości narodowej w okresie japońskich rządów kolonialnych jest ciągle obecna wśród Koreańczyków. W 1948 roku na mapie politycznej świata pojawiły się dwa państwa koreańskie, komunistyczna Północ i mające demokratyczne aspiracje Południe. Wybuch wojny koreańskiej (1950–1953) był symbolem globalnego konfliktu ideologicznego zimnej wojny. Podzielona Korea stała się głównym źródłem zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa regionalnego w Azji Wschodniej. Na skutek mediacji Stanów Zjednoczonych doszło do podpisania w 1965 roku traktatu normalizującego stosunki japońsko-koreańskie. Traktat ten umożliwił nawiązanie stosunków dyplomatycznych między Japonią a Republiką Korei. Pomimo, że nie zostały nawiązane oficjalne stosunki dyplomatyczne między Japonią a Koreańską Republiką Ludowo Demokratyczną, w Japonii w 1955 roku zezwolono na utworzenie Związku Rezydentów Koreańskich. Jednakże antyjapońskie uprzedzenia wynikające z negatywnych doświadczeń historycznych nadal stanowią źródło napięć i kontrowersji między trzema państwami. W stosunkach Japonii z państwami koreańskimi miejsce szczególne zajmuje problem denuklearyzacji Półwyspu Koreańskiego. Istnieje bowiem realne niebezpieczeństwo wynikające z posiadania broni atomowej przez reżim północnokoreański. Prowadzone z przerwami rozmowy sześciostronne nie przyniosły oczekiwanych efektów. Półwysep Koreański ciągle pozostaje miejscem regionalnego zagrożenia bezpieczeństwa. W niniejszym artykule stosunki japońsko-koreańskie są także rozpatrywane przez trzy podejścia teoretyczne: neorealizm, neoliberalizm i neoklasyczny realizm.

EN

This paper focuses on relations between Japan and the two Koreas, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Relations between Japan and the two Koreas can be simultaneously examined in three related contexts: the history of the national entities which is still subject to divergent interpretations, the post-Cold War East Asian security environment, and international relations (IR) theory, particularly the contrasts between neorealism, neoliberalism and neoclassical realism. In addition to traditional relations, the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910–1945) still serves as a relevant area of sensitivity between all three nations. The post-Cold War East Asian security environment is a complex mixture of vestiges of the Cold War and new regional paradigms and shifts of power, particularly against the backdrop of competing big-power interests converging on the region. Both the relations between these three nations and as well as the regional concerns of other state-actors have often been focused in recent years by North Korea’s developing nuclear weapons and missile technologies. Japanese-Korean relations present a contentious subject for IR scholars to debate the respective merits of various theoretical approaches. It is the opinion of the author that on balance, at least for the time being, neoclassical realism is a better lens through which to view these relations.

7

The Security of Turkey in the late Westphalian International System

80%

Misiągiewicz J.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2011

|

vol. 29

123-139

PL

Celem pracy jest przedstawienie specyfiki systemu późnowestfalskiego oraz analiza bezpieczeństwa Turcji w kontekście adaptacji do nowej rzeczywistości międzynarodowej. Specyficzna pozycja tego państwa na arenie międzynarodowej stanowi wyzwanie dla jego bezpieczeństwa nie tylko w wymiarze militarnym, ale również politycznym, kulturowym i gospodarczym. Późnowestfalski system międzynarodowy jest ściśle związany z procesami globalizacji. W wyniku intensywnych przemian zachodzących w środowisku międzynarodowym, zmieniła się tradycyjna rola państwa. Podmioty niesuwerenne stają się coraz bardziej aktywne i wpływowe. Organizacje terrorystyczne, czy korporacje transnarodowe bez problemu przenikają granice państw będąc wyzwaniem dla ich bezpieczeństwa. Państwo nie jest w stanie działać niezależnie, by stawić czoła takim zjawiskom, jak nielegalna migracja, przestępczość zorganizowana, proliferacja broni masowego rażenia, globalny kryzys międzynarodowy, czy brak bezpieczeństwa energetycznego. W tak nieprzewidywalnym i turbulentnym środowisku, zmienia się również znaczenie pojęcia suwerenności. Uczestnictwo w organizacjach międzynarodowych wynika z potrzeby współpracy między państwami oraz jest odzwierciedleniem narastających współzależności międzynarodowych. Unia Europejska jest specyficzną organizacją, która powoduje transformację funkcjonowania państw, które przekazują część swojej suwerenności na rzecz struktury ponadnarodowej. Turcja znajdując się w bardzo newralgicznym miejscu na mapie, jest szczególnie wrażliwa na wszelkie zmiany zachodzące w jej środowisku zewnętrznym. Państwo to bardzo wyraźnie doświadczyło przemian międzynarodowych związanych z przejściem od zimnowojennego systemu bipolarnego do współczesnego, późnowestfalskiego. Turcja jest kluczowym elementem bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w Eurazji. Jest to państwo od wielu lat walczące z międzynarodowym terroryzmem, nielegalną migracją oraz zorganizowaną przestępczością. Prowadząc zrównoważoną politykę zagraniczną, zgodnie z zasadą: „pokój w domu, pokój za granicą,” Turcja próbuje utrzymywać i rozwijać poprawne stosunki ze swoimi sąsiadami bliskowschodnimi i kaukaskimi. Państwo to ma ogromne znaczenie strategiczne dla Europy i z tego powodu, może być bardzo wartościowym elementem tworzącej się Europejskiej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony (ESDP).

EN

The new late Westphalian international system is strongly connected with the process of globalization. It changed and challenged the traditional role of the state. It is impossible to be independent or self-sufficient in such a system. There are many new non-state players in the international relations. Terrorist organizations or transnational companies can act across state borders. We have also many other phenomena, like drugs and arms trafficking, illegal migration, the need of energy security, weapons of mass destruction or the global financial crisis. That is why states have to act together to deal with such problems. The system of international interdependence forces to change the traditional meaning of state’s sovereignty and security. The participation in some specific international organizations, like the European Union, changes the role of the state. We can analyse the process of erosion of state’s sovereignty or the transition of the part of the state’s sovereignty to some transnational decision making structures. The question is, how much sovereignty we can give up to keep our identity? This question is a key issue in the process of Turkey’s integration with the EU. The new international situation made Turkey a much more active and pragmatic player. In late Westphalian system Turkey is an important part of the regional security in Eurasia not only in military sense but also in economic, cultural or political dimensions. Turkey enjoys a special location between Europe and Asia along one of the world’s biggest trade routes. It is a geopolitically significant country-European and Asian at the same time. Such a position made Turkey a state with a very specific international role in establishing a dialog between civilizations. It can be also a key element of the energy security of the European Union as a corridor for the resources from the Caucasus and Central Asia regions to the European markets. Turkey is also a very important element in the transatlantic security system. It may play a significant role in the Western counterterrorism strategy in the Middle East and Central Asia. Turkey could make a valuable contribution to the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). Turkey needs a peaceful neighbourhood and security borders to continue its internal reforms which are important to adapt to the new late Westphalian international system. In this analysis, it is necessary to explain the main thesis: what is the Westphalian international system, the late Westphalian international system, what the place of Turkey is in the late Westphalian international system and how it influences the Turkish security

8

Instruments of Polish Foreign Policy towards the Post-Yugoslav States

80%

Podgórzańska R.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2010

|

vol. 39

88-107

EN

The realization of Polish foreign policy after 1989 was carried out in the dynamically changing international situation. Political transformation in Poland and the redefi nition of its foreign policy was parallel to farreaching events occurring in Europe. These were brought about by political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, that is the collapse of the Easter block, reunifi cation of the German states, break-up of the USSR and the independence of former Soviet republics.

9

Diplomacy in the postmodernity

80%

Łoś-Nowak T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2010

|

vol. 39

7-29

EN

Considerations devoted to postmodern diplomacy should be preceded by reflection on the phenomenon of postmodernity, because everything, what it expresses, creates some kind of depth of causative powers of changes, which affect diplomacy, traditionally connected with state, its foreign policy, raison d’état, reasons and interests, to realisation of which it should serve. The diplomat’s mandate is still a mandate coming from state, which they represent and on behalf of which they act. However, on the other hand, diplomatic functions are more and more often attributed to non-state subjects, which have different objectives and tasks to accomplish.

10

Polska wobec autonomicznej Słowacji (październik 1938 – marzec 1939)

80%

Żerko S.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

|

2014

|

issue 2

73-96

EN

The author analyzes the policy of Poland towards autonomous Slovakia in the period of six months from the Munich Conference to forming in Spring 1939 formally independent, separate Slovak state. The government in Warsaw made a serious mistake by demanding in Autumn 1938 to join some small pieces of Slovakias territory to Poland. The realization of those demands led to rapid weakening of strong at that time Polish influences in Slovakia and accelerated the process of strengthening German influences. As a result, not only had Slovakia allowed the Germans in September 1939 to use its territory to attack Poland, but also itself took part in fights alongside the Wehrmacht.

11

Culture in International Relations: Defining Cultural Diplomacy

80%

Stelowska D.

Polish Journal of Political Science

|

2015

|

vol. 1

|

issue 3

50-72

EN

Culture in International Relations has been a neglected issue, it has only been recently that it gained on importance in the practice and theory of politics. The article aims at defining terms and concepts associated with culture and International Politics: Cultural Diplomacy, Soft power, Public Diplomacy, Nation branding etc. Also two case studies of Cultural Diplomacy activities are presented in order to illustrate the theoretical background.

12

Broken Europe. The International Order in Central and Eastern Europe

80%

Pietraś M.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2012

|

vol. 41

62-97

EN

After the collapse of the bipolar international system, a new line of “soft” division in Europe has been established in East-Central Europe. The article seeks to verify the hypothesis that Central and Eastern Europe is an international relations area but is not a cohesive, tightly-knit region united by common institutions, historical experience and the resulting awareness of a separate identity and a sense of community vis-à-vis the external world whereas the international order herein is a dynamic process undergoing evolution. Despite the passage of over twenty years since the collapse of the bipolar system, this process has not yet been completed.

13

The Concept of Sovereignty in Transatlantic Relations. New Realities versus the Old Debate

80%

Zachara M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2017

|

issue 46

283-305

EN

Few subjects in the theory and practice of international relations are as sensitive and widely discussed as the meaning of sovereignty. Concentrating on transatlantic perspecive, this article adds new evidence to the fundamental debate on the nature of sovereign authority in the international system. Many trans‑national economic and technological forces encourage the state to retreat from its traditional role. On the other hand, economic integration, monetary unification and the development of modern economies and cutting‑edge technologies – the assets of partners of the Transatlantic Alliance – are possible only in stable political systems. So, are we witnessing the end of sovereignty or just a phase in history in which relations of power between political authorities, nations, groups of interests and individuals must be negotiated in order to create a new model of governa nce in a complex world?

14

Redefining Russia’s policy in the Middle East

80%

Sławek J.

Obronność – Zeszyty Naukowe Wydziału Zarządzania i Dowodzenia Akademii Sztuki Wojennej

|

2016

|

issue 4(20)

14

PL

Celem artykułu jest omówienie i przedstawienie współczesnej polityki zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej na Bliskim Wschodzie, a także pokazanie kierunków ewolucji działań rosyjskiej dyplomacji na tym obszarze. Materiał po krótce pokazuje historyczne znaczenie Związku Radzieckiego w świecie arabskim oraz polityczne wpływy radzieckiego socjalizmu na poszczególne kraje regionu. Przykład współczesnej polityki Rosji wobec Syrii i Egiptu oraz Iranu służy do przedstawienia jak Moskwa umiejętnie wykorzystuje swoje dawne wpływy gospodarcze, polityczne i wojskowe do zbudowania swojej długofalowej hegemonicznej roli na Bliskim Wschodzie. Kolejnym elementem artykułu jest pokazanie nowego akcentu w rosyjskiej polityce zagranicznej w świecie arabskim, jakim jest pragmatyczne podejście do relacji z krajami Zatoki. Materiał stawia także generalne pytanie czy właśnie w Zatoce Rosja w dłuższej perspektywie może zaoferować alternatywę wobec tradycyjnych wpływów Zachodu.

15

Russia and the European Union’s new member states: their cooperation and rivalry in the field of energy

80%

Gardocki S.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2011

|

vol. 40

173-210

EN

Relations between Russia and the European Union are particularly important in the sphere of the production, transmission and use of energy resources as it is in this field where Russia possesses its key strategic assets, and the European Union heavily relies on supplies of oil and natural gas from this country. Russia wants to be perceived as a superpower by the European Union countries and believes that having such a status will contribute to its further progress. In order to accomplish this goal it should take advantage of its superior position in the field of power industry. In the past, both in the times of czarism and the Soviet Union, Imperial Russia built its status as a world power primarily by using its military potential to expand its territory. We compare this tradition to Russia’s present attitude, the latter is undoubtedly less dangerous and it may become the basis for mutually advantageous cooperation.

16

THE MEASURE OF TRUST IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. WEST – EAST RELATIONS CASE

80%

Daria Z., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

|

2015

|

issue 1 (7)

PL

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization “friend-or-foe”, considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

17

ШЛЯХИ ПІДВИЩЕННЯ ЯКОСТІ ВИКЛАДАННЯ АНГЛІЙСЬКОЇ МОВИ ПРОФЕСІЙНОГО СПРЯМУВАННЯ В ТЕХНІЧНИХ УНІВЕРСИТЕТАХ УКРАЇНИ

80%

Корсун Г.

Педагогічні науки: теорія, історія, інноваційні технології

|

2015

|

issue 2(46)

346-352

EN

As the title implies the present paper describes the importance of the English Language knowledge for technical students’ career development. The present paper deals with the development of quality standards in training English for professional purposes. Special attention is given to the implementation of multimedia technologies in training students English language skills. Comparative analysis of innovative educational technologies all over Europe and Ukraine is made. The author emphasizes on the importance of the English language competences in students mobility nowadays. Differences in understanding structural components of foreign language training in Ukraine and other European countries are noted. Advantages and disadvantages of interdisciplinary approach in training foreign language are analyzed in detail. The author emphasizes on the importance of introducing new innovative technologies and techniques in students training process. It is specially noted that the development of new techniques in foreign language learning is the most important task in training students at the technical universities. Special attention is given to the importance of using group and individual work at English classes. The author focuses on multimedia technologies and team work. Detailed analyses of the European standard for training technical students and their use in Ukraine are presented in the research. The present paper deals with the recommendations of changing the national system of higher education in Ukraine in accordance with European standards and European Qualification Frameworks, namely the development of descriptors, the introduction of modular organization of educational process, the use of the rating system of evaluation of students’ knowledge, implementation of the language portfolio, will certainly affect the quality of instruction and improve the quality of education in Ukraine. The research is up-to-date and helps young scientists to compare the differences in training English for engineering and humanitarian students. The author emphasizes on the necessity of implementing high-tech educational technologies in university students training. The prospects for further research are seen in the study of innovative approaches to student’ motivation to learn foreign languages through the introduction of new information educational technologies.

18

Ukraina na skrzyżowaniu interesów geopolityczych

80%

Tronova-Avramchuk A.

Prosopon. Europejskie Studia Społeczno-Humanistyczne

|

2014

|

issue 1(7)

221-227

EN

The article Ukraine at the crossroads of geopolitical interests focuses on Ukraine’s place in the world’s today, especially in its geo-political significance. The main goal of this article is to answer the question what is the place of Ukraine in the international arena and what determines this position. In the first part of the article is an analysis of the factors affecting the geopolitical position of the country, as well as analysis of the issues of the priorities in the foreign policy. The second part of the article contains reflections on what Ukraine should to do to reinforce its international position.

19

Proces Berliński i jego znaczenie z perspektywy polityki zagranicznej Polski

80%

Podgórzańska R.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2020

|

issue 1 (374)

251-273

EN

Since the 1990s many formats and initiatives for stability and security of the Western Balkan states have emerged, which include a broad array of support instruments. One of the formats of cooperation involves the Berlin Process, which increasingly affects the Balkan reality. A number of political factors determined Poland’s joining in the mechanism. The aim of the paper is to identify and systemize them as well as analyse the importance of this initiative from the perspective of Polish foreign policy. It has been assumed that after 1989 due to the focusing of Polish diplomacy on the pursuit of strategic interests, the area of Southeast Europe, the discussed Western Balkan states included, was located at the margin of Polish foreign policy. The temporary increase in the activity of Polish diplomacy towards the region did not mean its appreciation from the perspective of Polish foreign policy but resulted only from a search for ways to boost the efficiency of implementation of its guidelines. What is more, modification of emphasis in the foreign policy after Poland’s accession to the European Union did not result in a modification of the Western Balkans’ position from the perspective of Polish interests. Taking the above into account a question arises about factors that determined the enhancement of Polish activity towards and for the region, an example of which includes joining in the mechanism of the Berlin Process. At the same time one needs to examine the forms and character of Polish involvement, and primarily to establish what resources and what instruments were supposed to support political declarations about the need to intensify Poland’s activity towards the Western Balkans region. The paper’s main hypothesis boils down to an observation that Poland, searching for ways to ground its position as a country involved in the development of the situation in the Western Balkans, joined in the initiative of the Berlin Process motivated, on the one hand, by the pursuit of Poland’s own interests resulting from the desire to boost its impact on the course of political processes in an international dimension, while on the other, its activity was dictated by the endeavour to intensify the region’s interrelations with the European Union. The detailed hypothesis, corresponding to the adopted research assumption, boils down to a statement that Poland has not become a key country in the context of the region’s integration with the structures of EU cooperation. Therefore, postulating the EU “open door” policy for years, regardless of its resources and capabilities, Poland became involved in various mechanisms supporting the expansion process. The main research methods used in the text include an institutional and legal analysis, a critical analysis of documents and the literature of the subject, and the comparative method.

20

Turkey's European Aspirations to the EU

80%

Stankiewicz W.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

|

2007

|

vol. 36

114-133

EN

European Union is nowadays facing one of its biggest challenges and opportunities since its foundation. An answer, which will be sent to Turkey, will bring overwhelming repercussions in wide and large Muslim world. e far-sight approach of European Council can open new stage in evolution of European identity. The European Union’s aim is a safe, secure and wealthy continent, capable to peacefully cooperate with other states.

Refine search results