This article examines legal provisions and remedies for illicitly trafficked pre-Columbian antiquities, focusing on Mexico and the United States of America (USA), to determine gaps and areas for improvement. These two countries provide an interesting contrast, as they are contiguous neighbours but have different legal systems and approaches to the protection of cultural property. Nonetheless, Mexico and the USA have a history of fruitful cooperation in the recovery and return of pre-Columbian cultural objects under both domestic and international frameworks, such as bilateral agreements and cultural heritage conventions. In particular, as a country that accounts for nearly half of all global art market transactions, the USA is uniquely placed to act as a gatekeeper for pre-Columbian antiquities and serve as an example for the effective protection of foreign cultural property seized within its borders. However, while the examination of Mexico and the USA provides a useful case study, the illicit traffic of these objects should not be viewed in isolation or characterized as solely a regional problem. Globalization and the international nature of the art market require a more expansive view of the subject, while still taking countries’ legal and cultural specificities into account. A balanced and holistic approach will help increase the effectiveness of both national and international remedies; this will improve the legitimate market as a whole and curb illicit trafficking. By tackling the problem at both ends of the supply chain and increasing visibility, the possibilities of success shall rise.
This article provides a broad overview of Indonesia’s current post-independence legislation and practice with respect to cultural heritage protection and repatriation. We highlight several challenges that hamper the effective implementation and enforcement of this framework, particularly in relation to repatriation processes of foreign-held cultural objects. We furthermore explore how the State-centric discourse that surrounds Indonesia’s cultural heritage protection and repatriation policies impede locally-led activism related to cultural heritage, particularly in relation to value production and sense of ownership. Overall, we highlight the importance of co-creation in knowledge production processes and crime-prevention methods concerning cultural heritage to maximize effectiveness. Agency, access, and ownership were violently removed through the colonial looting of Indonesian cultural heritage, so the first step towards restorative justice should be reinstating this to the communities of origin, or to the Indonesian government when the rightful origin community cannot be identified. This concerns not only the cultural objects themselves, but also their digital and physical lives, i.e. the knowledge and expertise created based on these objects.
Spomenik is the Serbo-Croatian word for monument. Internationally, the term is used for the partisan monuments that were erected throughout the former Yugoslavia to commemorate events of the Second World War. With the wars in the 1990s that led to the disintegration of Yugoslavia, many of these objects became detached from their original function, and thus became a dissonant heritage between differing nationalist narratives of the past. With their modernist architecture, the Spomeniks have become, since the late 2000s, popular internet motifs, and tourists are now show - ing growing interest in visiting the monuments. In order to capitalize on and institutionalize this increasing attention, a cultural route for tourists has recently been established. In this process of valorization, presenting the condition and decay of the monuments and characterizing them as “lost” places, which has become a decisive aesthetic in their circulation online, plays a large role in the constitution of these sites of memory ( lieux de mémoire ). This picturesque image practice as a phenomenon of cosmo - politanism will be exemplified by online representations of the Tjentište Monument in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
„Tygodnik Ilustrowany” was one of the most important magazines in Warsaw in the 2nd half of nineteenth century. From the first issues of the magazine there is information about the national Antiquities. The reports of foreign Antiquities began to appear in the 2nd half of 1860s, and since then their number is steadily increasing. Most texts describing the discovery and ancient monuments were in the 1880s. Individual articles have appeared in the 1890s. At the beginning of the twentieth century once again increased the number of texts about Antiquities. Archaeological issues are not just confined to the news about the excavations. In „Tygodnik” placed biographies of scholars and collectors. Informed about exhibitions and museums that collect artifacts from the ancient times. Has also been reported same artifacts. There were also reprints articles in foreign languages. They were in the section „Artykuły treści naukowej, z innych piśmiennictw czerpane”. Small foreign reports of findings were published in „Ze świata obcego” edited by Mścisława Edgara Trepkę (Toporczyka), and later in the „Kronika Powszechna”. At this time the authors of the articles represented a variety of disciplines.
After making a limited reference to ancient Mesopotamia, the 80th anniversary of the Polish soldiers’ presence during W.W. II in Iraq, Baghdad and Mosul – respectively, was briefly referred to – by showing few photographs and enclosing relevant short comments.
PL
Po ograniczonym wspomnieniu starożytnej Mezopotamii, odniesiono się krótko do pobytu w Iraku podczas II wojny światowej polskich żołnierzy, odpowiednio – w Bagdadzie i w Mosulu, którego 80. rocznica obecnie przypada. Dokonano tego prezentując kilka fotografii i załączając stosowne, zwięzłe komentarze.
Pierre Gilles (Petrus Gyllius/Gillius) embarked on a journey through the Ottoman Empire between 1544 and 1552, seeking ancient manuscripts and studying the monuments of Byzantine culture. Operating in a Muslim environment and maintaining contact with the French ambassador, Gabriel d’Aramon, and the spy Nicolas de Nicolay, he risked accusations of espionage. He concealed some of his activities, which did not prevent him from being imprisoned. A lack of financial resources forced him to join the army and participate in the Sultan’s expedition against Persia. Captured by pirates while travelling through the Levant, he spent some time on the island of Djerba. Upon his release, he returned to Constantinople and continued his research on the city’s monuments, despite encountering hostility from its inhabitants. The tangible results of his scholarly expedition are two important works: De Bosphoro Thracio libri III and De Topographia Constantinopoleos.
PL
Piotr Gilles (Petrus Gyllius/Gillius) odbył w latach 1544-1552 podróż po imperium osmańskim, poszukując starożytnych rękopisów i badając zabytki kultury bizantyńskiej. Działając w otoczeniu muzułmańskim i utrzymując kontakt z francuskim ambasadorem Gabrielem d’Aramon i szpiegiem Nicolasem de Nikolay, narażał się na zarzut szpiegostwa. Ukrywał niektóre swe działania, co nie uchroniło go przed pobytem w więzieniu. Brak środków finansowych zmusił go do zaciągnięcia się do armii i uczestnictwa w wyprawie sułtana przeciwko Persji. Schwytany przez piratów w trakcie podróży po Lewancie spędził jakiś czas na wyspie Dżerba. Uwolniony powrócił do Stambułu i pozostał w nim, kontynując badania zabytków miasta, chociaż jego mieszkańcy nie okazali mu życzliwości. Wymiernym efektem jego wyprawy naukowej są dwa ważne dzieła: De Bosphoro Thracio libri III i De Topographia Constantinopoleos.
The purpose of this article is to reflect on Russian nationalism ‒ its significance and territorial range, real and imagined ‒ in the Kingdom of Poland at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. As a case study, the author chose the renowned Byzantine frescoes from the early 15th century that cover the inner walls of the chapel of the Holy Trinity in the Lublin Castle. The author considers whether, due to the presence of Ruthenian frescoes, whose uncovering dates back to early 20th century, Russian nationalists understood Lublin as a “Russian” (Ruthenian) city, which would then need to undergo Russification (as had occurred in the neighbouring Chełm region for at least the previous 30 years). Where then was the border of Russian nationalism? Given Lublin’s location on the border with the Chełm land, the discovery of the paintings could have caused a radical reassessment in the perception of the city as Polish. Well-known Polish intellectuals, as well as Russian archaeologists historians and zealous seekers of antiquities took part in the debate about the origin of the frescoes and their attribution. The First World War interrupted all conservation projects, and with them any further attempt at unearthing Lublin’s “Russiannes”.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest refleksja nad nacjonalizmem rosyjskim – jego znaczeniem i zasięgiem terytorialnym, realnym, a także wyobrażonym – w Królestwie Polskim na przełomie XIX i XX w. Jako case study autor wybrał znamienite bizantyjskie freski z początku XV w., które pokrywają wewnętrzne ściany kaplicy Świętej Trójcy na Zamku Lubelskim w Lublinie. Autor stawia sobie pytanie, czy Lublin, ze względu na obecność fresków szkoły ruskiej, odsłoniętych dopiero na początku XX w., był w rozumieniu rosyjskich nacjonalistów miastem o rodowodzie ruskim (rosyjskim) i miał w takim razie ulec rusyfikacji, której sąsiednia Chełmszczyzna doświadczała od co najmniej 30 lat. Gdzie więc była granica nacjonalizmu rosyjskiego? Lublin leżał na granicy z ziemią chełmską, a odkrycie malowideł mogło spowodować zasadniczą rewizję spojrzenia na to miasto jako miasto polskie. Znani intelektualiści polscy, a także rosyjscy archeologowie, historycy i badacze starożytności wzięli udział w debacie wokół pochodzenia fresków i ich genezy. I wojna światowa przerwała wszelkie projekty prac konserwatorskich, a wraz z nimi także próby dalszego odsłaniania „rosyjskości” Lublina.
The Nordic countries are notable for their ancient practice of reasonable care of their historical monuments. There were no ‘laws’ in the strict sense – it was replaced by numerous royal decrees. The decree of the King of Sweden, made in 1886, about patronage and protection of antiquities had the same goals as the parliamentary act about monuments. Sweden is in a particularly good position, because the state has long since taken over the protection of all antiquities in the country and it has established the principle that monuments and artefacts uncovered by excavations on private land do not come under the custody of the owner, but are the subject of state care. At the end of the 19th century it was not possible to establish this principle by direct legislation, but in Sweden it was due to the traditional custom that monuments and their protection have been of incalculable benefit. In this regard, Swedish legislation on the protection of cultural heritage is considered the oldest in the world. The tradition of state care for historical monuments here goes back some four centuries. At the beginning of this tradition in the 17th and early 18th centuries, a centralized Swedish state with great imperial ambitions and an important role in justifying its historical patrimony was formed. The second half of the 19th century was a turning point in monument conservation, resulting in the 1867 decree, which was amended twice, in 1873 and 1886. It reflects the tendencies of professionalization and centralization of monument preservation. The decree complicated the mechanism of approving the demolition of monuments during economic works. The mechanism for granting the right to investigate archaeological heritage was clarified. The overall progressive nature of Swedish regulations by the beginning of the twentieth century cannot but inspire respect, even though the whole legislation on monument conservation was comprised of royal decrees. It was not until 1942 that the Comprehensive Swedish Monument Preservation Act was adopted.
UK
Скандинавські країни відрізняються тим, що в них з досить давніх-давен застосовувалася розумна система піклування про пам’ятки старовини. Тут не було «законів» в точному сенсі – їх замінювали численні королівські декрети. Виданий у 1886 році декрет короля Швеції щодо покровительства та охорони пам’яток старовини переслідував ті ж цілі, що й звичайний парламентський акт про пам’ятники. Швеція, таким чином, перебувала в особливо щасливому положенні в тому сенсі, що тут вже здавна держава прийняла на себе охорону всіх старовинних пам’яток країни, причому було встановлено принцип, за яким пам’ятники та предмети, відкриті розкопками на приватній землі, не надходили в розпорядження власника, а складали предмет опіки держави. Наприкінці ХІХ ст. було неможливо встановити подібний принцип шляхом прямого законодавства, але в Швеції це було наслідком традиційного звичаю, що принесло пам’ятникам та їх охороні незліченну користь. В зв’язку з цим шведське законодавство в сфері охорони культурної спадщини вважається найстарішим у світі. Традиція державної опіки над історичними пам’ятками налічує вже близько чотирьох століть. На зорі цієї традиції у XVII та на початку XVIII століть відбувалося становлення централізованої шведської держави з великими імперськими амбіціями, важливу роль в обґрунтуванні яких грало історичне надбання. Друга половина XIX ст. стала поворотним моментом у справі охорони пам’яток, результатом чого стає Декрет 1867 р., який двічі доповнювався у 1873 та 1886 рр. В ньому відображено тенденції професіоналізації та централізації охорони пам’яток. Декретом було ускладнено механізм узгодження знесення пам’ятників в процесі господарських робіт. Був уточнений механізм надання права на дослідження археологічної спадщини. В цілому прогресивність шведських норм до початку ХХ ст. не може не викликати захоплення, хоча законодавство про охорону пам’яток повністю складалося з королівських розпоряджень. Комплексний закон з охорони пам'яток в Швеції був прийнятий тільки у 1942 р.
In Europe an increasing shift towards participatory cultural heritage governance is observed, opening the way to the meaningful inclusion of grassroots stakeholders in sharing heritage ownership and administration. In Greece, history politics and current cultural policies underline the symbolic and instrumental value of heritage, reinforcing a state-centric governance model, particularly concerning antiquities. By analysing state policies, rhetoric and projects on heritage between 1994‒2013, we purport that state-centrism in antiquity governance is perpetuated, despite the constitutionally provided “complementarity of duties” between the State and citizens. Nonetheless, participatory practices concerning antiquities and contested heritage are growing. The paper explores some prominent cases in Greece, highlighting the expanding role of decentralised authorities and citizen associations. Concluding, it formulates explorative empirical propositions on the factors enabling or impeding participatory heritage governance, in order to serve as basis for the much needed in-depth, long-term research that is presently lacking.
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