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1

Retrenchment in Sweden

100%

Polakowski M.

Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje

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2004

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issue 7

33-52

EN

There are raising voices about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state. The aim of this article is to present changes of Swedish social policy in the 1990s in order to check whether the statements about the crisis are correct. For this purpose, Paul Pierson's perspective of retrenchment is used. Pierson distinguishes between two kinds of retrenchment: programmatic (change of programmes towards Titmuss' residual model of social policy) and systemic (changes of institutions which allow for those changes in a future). Four elements of the Swedish social security system are analysed: two representing cash benefits (pensions, unemployment benefits), two others - services: health care and care for elderly. The latter were chosen because services are believed to be more vulnerable for retrenchment. All sectors faced both forms of the retrenchment, however to the different extent. The main trends in Swedish social policy of past decade are: privatisation and decentralisation. Additionally, the article confirms the statement concerning services sector's vulnerability. One would say, that Swedish welfare state in the 1990s was transforming towards residual model. However, this process was very slow and was evident only from the Scandinavian perspective: from the comparative one, it seems that Swedish social policy hasn't lost its main features. Thus, the statement about the crisis of the Swedish welfare state isn't true, it is rather the shift from the 'Gold' to the 'Silver Era'.

2

EAST EUROPEAN QUESTION MARKS AND ATTEMPTED ANSWERS

100%

Szanto M.

Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)

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2008

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vol. 25

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issue 4

435-454

EN

The author draws the common features of the history of the East European countries; he describes the process during which the region had become the area of political influence of the USA; analyses the characteristics of globalization and its economic and geo-strategic dimensions. Finally, he deals with the way and extent of the present credit-business crisis in relation to the super-power status of the USA.

3

KOSOVO (AN OUTLINE OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL HISTORY) (Kosowo (zarys historii polityczno-spolecznej))

100%

Szczepanski W.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2010

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issue 1(334)

115-139

EN

The text presents the social and political history of Kosovo from the moment of pivotal system changes in the Yugoslavia of Tito (the 1970s) onwards. Among others, the following problems are tackled: centuries-old conflicts between the most populous nations inhabiting the land, i.e. Albanians and Serbs (special attention being paid to tensions in the 19th and 20th centuries) and the evolution of the status of Kosovo in the 20th century in the states of Serbia (1912-1918) and Yugoslavia. The following major issues are highlighted: a) transformations of the demographic and ethnic structure of Kosovo; b) legitimization by Albanians and Serbs of their right to a political domination in Kosovo based on myths of their ancient origin and earlier presence on the disputed territories (Albanians), and the medieval 'golden age' of their statehood, of which the disputed territory was the political and spiritual centre (Serbs); c) the socio-political circumstances of the functioning of communities of Kosovo Albanians and Serbs in the Osman and Yugoslavian states. One of the main factors responsible for generating a spectrum of conflicts in Kosovo over the centuries, most importantly a permanent, multi-level Albanian-Serbian confrontation are, according to the author, differences in the social and political status of the inhabitants of this province, depending on their religious and/or ethnic affinity. The different status of Muslims (a majority of Albanians and all the Turks inhabiting Kosovo) and Christians (mostly Serbs) had already been decreed by Osman laws, and some Serbian and Yugoslavian regulations and political praxis in force until mid-1970s endorsed the unequal treatment of Kosovo Serbs and other inhabitants of Kosovo (especially Albanians, who were often subjected to repressive policies).

4

MAĎARSKÁ MENŠINA V POLITICKOM ŽIVOTE NA SLOVENSKU (NA PRÍKLADE ROKU 2008) II. (ČINNOSŤ INŠTITÚCIÍ)

100%

Šutaj Š., Sáposová Z.

Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied

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2009

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vol. 12

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issue 3

-

EN

The article is concerned with organization of institutional base of minority policy in the Slovak republic. It is possible to allege that considerable care of these institutions was given to the theme of Slovakian Hungarians. Primarily official institutions came out from dominant position of Slovak nation in the Slovak Republic, from which they deduced their activities to national minorities. The contribution deals with activities of president - his meetings with Hungarian partner, activities of public defender of rights, activities of vice-prime minister for knowledge society, European affairs, people rights and minorities including activities of the Government board for national minorities and ethnical groups and activities the most important ministries, which are interested in the theme of minority issue (ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of education and ministry of culture).

5

SETTLING SCORES VERSUS DENIAL. GERMAN GENERATION '68 AND THE NAZI PAST (Rozrachunek kontra wyparcie. Niemieckie pokolenie '68 wobec nazistowskiej przeszlosci)

100%

Stefanski M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2010

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issue 2(335)

67-87

EN

The article takes up an analysis of the psychological and social conditions of settling scores with the Nazi past, on the example of selected novels of writers belonging to the West German generation '68. An analysis of particular novels leads to the conclusion that the Nazi past in which the war generations had been entangled, continues to plays a vital role in shaping the identity of generation '68. Life in a community of perpetrators and the ensuing necessity of confrontation with the burden of non-culpable blame appears to be a situation that leads to intergeneration conflicts. The latter consequently resulted in attempts to dissociate from generations embroiled in the crimes of national socialism. The complexity of the problem is evidenced by an intertwining of mechanisms of settling scores and denial both among the war generations and within generation '68 itself.

6

FROM THE REAL POLITICS MOVEMENT TO THE REAL POLICY PARTY. ON THE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT OF THE 'STANCZYK' JOURNAL IN 1986-2004 (Od Ruchu Polityki Realnej do Stronnictwa Polityki Realnej. O ...zaangazowaniu pisma 'Stanczyk' w latach 1986-2004)

100%

Sikorski T.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2008

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issue 22

71-104

EN

The article dwells on the political involvement of the Wroclaw-published 'Stanczyk' journal in 1986-2004. It presents two dimensions of involvement: metapolitical (ideological) and practical. The author emphasised the ideological evolution of the journal, pointing to its turning points. In its less than twenty-year history, 'Stanczyk' evolved from conservative-liberal to post-modernist ('a harbinger of the post-conservative era'). The ideological masters of 'Wrocław school of political thought' included various characters, reaching down to different traditions of political reflection, such as Stefan Kisielewski, Andrzej Walicki and Ernst Jünger, to mention but a few, together with other conservative revolutionists, or the 'Chicago Boys', with Friedrich von Hayek and Milton Friedman at their forefront. Its authors formed an elite, compact, though not an ideologically coherent one. Their writings were pervaded by various threads, sometimes originating in the same ideas, sometimes entirely contradictory. In the political dimension, the 'Stanczyk' milieu inspired the changes within the Real Politics Union which led to an open split in the mid-90s. The split had multiple reasons, from the contest concerning the Union's leadership and ideological identity, to the political strategy of the conservative-liberals. In the end, however, the emergence of a new party, the Real Politics Party, upon the inspiration coming from the Wroclaw 'Stanczyk', did not mean a victory. In its entirety, it should be said that the 'Stanczyk' milieu was consistently more ideological than political and that no transparent and, at the same time, effective method of political action had been devised in the years when Poland was undergoing the transformation of its political and economic system. When seen from the perspective of the years gone by, balancing between a presence, even illusorical, within the RPU structures and building up structures of its own, was a political error. What was missing was a 'political sense', pragmatism and the skills necessary to build political coalitions. In conclusion, it may be said that the 'Stanczyk' milieu failed to achieve its political task. Effectiveness and political pragmatism gave way to an excessively bloated espousal of an ideology, supported by a sometimes very anachronic, or even onion-skin-thin axiology.

7

POLES - GERMANS: PARTNERSHIP OF SOCIETIES

100%

Wolff-Poweska A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2007

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issue 4(325)

3-11

EN

Activity in the area of international relations has become after 1989 one of the major elements of changing the Polish state's image abroad. Animators of the civil movement in Poland's local governments in counties and communes became important actors in establishing an understanding with Germans. They could refer to the Catholic traditions of the lay elites of the past decades and shared an interest in their neighbours accompanied by a need to create a common platform with them. Far away from politics, they sought to solve the current problems both in the dimension of professional milieus and in the domain of local communities. Examples of various types of initiatives towards mutual understanding between Poles and Germans can be found in the materials published in this volume, sent in at the request of the editor.

8

THE WEST BALKANS ON THE ROAD TO AN EU ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT (THE STATE AS 31st DECEMBER 2007) (Balkany Zachodnie na drodze do stowarzyszenia z Unia Europejska)

100%

Puszczewicz A.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2008

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issue 21

123-142

EN

The Balkans are simultaneously the worst debacle and the largest success of EU foreign policy. The Community, unable to effectively counteract the events of the war in the region in early 90s, undertook, as a priority, to support peace, stability, prosperity and freedom in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia & Hercegovina and Macedonia. The governments of all the republics which emerged as a result of the collapse of Yugoslavia are also pursuing full membership of the Community's structures. The authoress sets out to write this short essay in view of her own sympathies toward the region and its inhabitants. It presents the actual situation in the particular states of the West Balkans and the EU's involvement in the process of stabilisation in the region. The Republic of Slovenia was omitted, in view of the country's membership in the EU structures..

9

THE NON-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE G7/G8 SUMMITS (Pozaekonomiczny wymiar szczytów G7/G8)

100%

Matera R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2008

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issue 22

7-30

EN

The very first summit of the most industrialized states was held in Rambouillet in 1975. However, the name G7 became official in 1976, when Canadian participants joined the representatives of France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan and the US. The transformation into G8 was formally made possible in 1998, during the Birmingham summit. Economic declarations and summit communiqués are the most important documents to come out of the summits. They include recommendations for members of the group and they also contain proposals directed to the regions or the particular states. Even though it is economic matters which are the major leaders' main interests during the summits, the political dimension of the meetings, especially in terms of its global aspects, is also very important to the international environment. The key objective of this article is to present the attitude of the G7/G8 towards the following problems: transnational crime, especially that in connection with illicit drugs and bribery, international terrorism, nuclear safety, arms control, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and UN reforms. The areas of the science, social and cultural cooperation have also been included. The paper attempts to sum up the involvement of the G7/G8 in all these issues during the period of more than 30 years in which it has been active. Importance has been placed on introducing the most decisive initiatives and common projects, linked with the process of both building the new institutional bodies and releasing treaties, conventions and acts. The effectiveness of particular initiatives is a more complex matter and requires further research.

10

American Foreign Policy during the John F. Kennedy's Presidency in Polish Press since 1960 to 1963

100%

Sakowicz J.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2005

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issue 17

185-237

EN

The aim of the authoress was to show that the Polish reception of John F. Kennedy's presidency broke in a way with the stereotype of the American leader as an imperialist and political brawler. Kennedy's election to the American presidency revived great expectations in the whole world, including the Soviet bloc. In opinion of Polish press Kennedy represented the new generation of young political leaders not involved in old arguments, and devoid of the harmful cold war prejudices. Therefore it was believed that his presidency may lead up to a radical improvement in U.S.-Soviet relations. However this positive image was changed in consequence of the Bay of Pigs invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis. These events cast doubts on Kennedy's peaceful approach to international affairs. The press pointed out that the peaceful rhetoric of the new administration was not compatible with the actions initiated by the White House in order to bring about the world crisis. This inconsistency in the U.S. foreign policy was perceived as a result of the pressure exerted on Kennedy by the Cold Warriors faction dominating in Washington. Young, inexperienced and not having strong political base in Congress president was thought to be unable to oppose it. Polish journalists indicated that president Kennedy fulfilled his function in particular international situation, when the prestige and primacy of the United States had visibly fallen. His policy, as it was seen by press, was for that reason determined by aspiration to preserve the picture of America as a world leader and the necessity to meet the challenge from the Soviet Union.

11

Poland's policy on cultural heritage

100%

Chodorowska A.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2006

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issue 18

129-147

EN

The starting point of the authoress' considerations is the thesis that cultural heritage performs a particular role in national identification, particularly in this day and age. It seems from her observations that most of society associates cultural heritage with huge buildings, museum-pieces, and monuments, with tangible objects, whereas in fact it consists of everything that surrounds us, from artefacts to religion, language, literature or music. Memory and its cultivation should also be regarded as a part of cultural heritage, because they provide a basis of every activity and without memory, political, historical or sociological manipulations deprive a nation of identity. The sooner we realise what cultural inheritance is, what the identity is, replying to such questions as: 'Who am I', and 'How do I differ from everybody else?', the sooner we will present ourselves to the world as a nation deeply rooted in history and culture. Differences among theorists who tackle the subject of cultural inheritance in the age of globalisation are outlined. Some regard it as being focused on 'the protection of folklore, own tradition, language or dialect'. There are also those for whom it carries the hope for both modernisation and the overtaking the most developed countries by implementing Western culture templates as symbols of advance or emancipation. One thing is certain, however, this process has not erased the symbols of cultural heritage but rather has consolidated it. States, regions, and cities are able to cultivate to perfection cultural heritage and tradition without rejecting modernism and innovation while they remain open to the world. So, instead of becoming indignant at globalisation, we should draw on, and assimilate those experiences, which could most effectively influence the way our heritage is protected. This process, however, should not be regarded as a threat, but rather as a means of understanding, what the heritage, culture and tradition really mean to the nation.

12

The Question about the Form the Political Communication Takes in Democratic Countries - a dialogue between rulers and the ruled or a political strategy behind the creation of voter preferences

100%

Dylla D.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2005

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issue 17

75-93

EN

The importance of the mass media has grown continually in the last few decades, which has of course had an effect on political communication. The issues brought about by this phenomenon include a look into the way the media shapes the relationship between the rulers and the ruled in a modern media society, and the arrangement of power relations between the political and media systems. Can the mass media be seen as an independent actor in the process of political communication, or as a tool that the political elite uses for their own purposes? Is the talk of party marginalization due to the increasing power of the mass media justified, or should the 'mediazation' be considered in light of the increased ability to politically influence and convince others? It is not possible within the limits of this article to show in detail the relationship between the political system and the media, as well as communication difficulties between citizens and politicians. The question of who generates the reporting in modern democracies amongst the two actors in political communication - the politicians and the journalists - will be the center of focus here, including who dominates the communication and the effect of the political battle for the topic agenda on the third actor, the audience.

13

Oeuvre under the spell of the social development of agricultural market towns and farmsteads. On the specificities of Ferenc Erdei's analyses of the social structure

100%

Bognar B.

Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)

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2006

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vol. 24

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issue 3

431-448

EN

The paper studies the analyses of social structure done by Ferenc Erdei from the beginning of his career to the end of World War II, a period when he was a highly influential sociographer. The interpretation of texts points out that Erdei interpreted the society through the perspective of the development of the peasantry of the agricultural market towns of the Great Plain regarded by him as the only depository of Hungarian bourgeois development. It was this social development that represented 'peasant authenticity' for him, forgetting that its emergence in fact could be explained by the special situation of the system of settlement of the given region and period of the Plain, and as such it is rather doubtful that it could express the essence of all Hungarians. On the other hand, the paper studies the roots of Erdei's ideological analysis and argues for pointing out that in fact all his writings of the period can be regarded as functions of his political ideas. The original intention of image of the society of the writings does not simply aim at describing the specificities of the society but the interpretation of society is basically determined by Erdei's political concepts. The paper draws the conclusion that the writings of Erdei determining Hungarian thinking in social science to this day show differences in the professional quality of his argumentation, but there is no difference in the basically mistaken assumption of their aim.

14

SOUTH SUDAN - A NEW STATE OR A FAILED STATE? ANALYSIS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE COMPREHENSIVE PEACE AGREEMENT OF 2-05, WHICH ENDED A 23-YEAR CIVIL WAR IN SOUTHERN SUDAN (Poludniowy Sudan ..analiza ..ukladu pokojowego...)

100%

Wilk W.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2008

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issue 21

59-82

EN

The war between the Government of Sudan, dominated by an Islamist party, and the Southern Sudanese rebels has been one of the longest-lasting conflicts in Africa (1983-2005). In the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the Government of Sudan conceded to the inclusion of the South Sudan rebels, the SPLM, in the National Unity Government, as well as to the granting of considerable autonomy to this region and half of revenue from oil produced on the latter's territory. 2011 will see a referendum in South Sudan, where its population will decide whether to remain as a part of Sudan or to declare independence in 2012. Free elections, the first for many years, are scheduled to take place in Sudan in 2009, which may result in the Islamist National Congress Party, which has been ruling in Khartoum since 1989, losing its grip on power. The article analyses the current implementation status of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, as well as the Government of Sudan's policy, which is delaying the resolution of the key issues. The author also describes the political, military and economic challenges facing the autonomous Government of South Sudan which, if not resolved, may lead to the emergence of another failed state in Africa.

15

Some characteristics of employment, labour relations and knowledge utilisation in small and medium-sized enterprises (in macro, meso- and micro perspectives). Research Report - Part I

100%

Mako C., Csizmadia P., Illesy M.

Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)

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2005

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vol. 23

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issue 3

359-381

EN

The paper, dealing with the employment, labour relations, and knowledge utilisation characteristics of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) presents the Hungarian experiences of an international survey, covering eight countries (Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and Spain) and conducted in 2004. The report presents the position of SMEs in the national economy with the help of indices such as the achievements of the sector in productivity, innovation, exports and employment. The analysis devotes special attention to the flexibility of labour use, an area where the SMEs are in a leading position. The paper discusses in detail the role of labour relations influencing the relationship between employers/owners and employees (including the minimal presence of collective agreements) and the identification of demand for knowledge (competence) characterising the practice of knowledge utilisation, characteristic of the given enterprise.

16

THE MULTIPOLAR POLITICS OF VLADIMIR PUTIN (Wielobiegunowa polityka Wladimira Putina)

100%

Wilk A.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2008

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issue 21

83-96

EN

Having assumed the office of President of the Russian Federation in 2000, Vladimir Putin approved the objectives of the multipolar strategy in Russia's foreign policy existing hitherto which consisted of the building up of positive relationships with states on every continent, with particular attention to the Western and the Asian poles. During V. Putin's terms in office, however, the multipolar aspect of Russian's foreign policy can be seen to be more popular cyclically, and always at a moment when tensions emerge between Moscow and Washington and when Russia, displaying a confrontational attitude towards the US, attempts to gain allies who would support her actions. Such a direction in foreign politics undoubtedly serves Russia well and is helping her to recover her position of strength in the international arena. In implementing it, Russia gains partners for cooperation at various poles and, provided she can draw tangible benefits from it, enters into alliances with them. The choice of the multipolar strategy also makes it possible for Russia to refrain from the necessity to articulate a clear declaration as to whether she closer to the Asian or, perhaps, to the Western model of civilisation and development.

17

Some characteristics of employment, labour relations and knowledge utilisation in small and medium-sized enterprises (in macro-, meso- and micro perspectives). Research report - Part II

100%

Mako C., Csizmadia P., Illesy M.

Tarsadalomkutatas (Social Science Research)

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2005

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vol. 23

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issue 4

443-472

EN

Part II of the Research Report dealing with the situation of small and medium-sized enterprises summarises the experiences of case-studies focusing on the sector and companies. Members of the international research project, extending over eight countries have studied the activities of small and medium-sized enterprises in the following three sectors: processing industry, servicing and areas of activity intensively using ICT. Those sectors are involved that represent activities equally characterising the 'old' as well as the 'new' economy. Members of the Hungarian research team have made sector, as well as company-level case-studies of activities in the field of textile garments, tourism and interactive media. While presenting the economic and employment characteristics of the different branches, the researchers have significantly relied on the opinion of stakeholders involved in the development of the field of activity, besides utilising the available statistical data and documents. The case-studies of companies venture to analyse and assess the following areas: management/ownership strategies, the structure of product and service market, labour organisation, patterns of the utilisation and development of knowledge.

18

THE USA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT OF 1991-2008. INSTRUMENTS, POSSIBILITIES AND LIMITATIONS OF THE AMERICAN MEDIATOR (USA wobec konfliktu izraelsko-palestynskiego 1991-2008. Instrumenty, mozliwosci i ograniczenia amerykanskiego mediatora)

100%

Fiedler R.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2009

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issue 1(330)

199-226

EN

At the beginning of the 1990s it seemed that the peace process in which the American mediator was engaged would lead to a final agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. Subsequent American administrations had at their disposal instruments that enabled them to influence the sides of the conflict, but the calming of the conflict depended mainly on Israelis and Palestinians themselves. The American side, however, had more understanding for the arguments of the Israeli governments than for Palestinian postulates. Even the personal involvement of President Clinton could not break the growing impasse during the summit at Camp David. The mediations were an evident failure as they did not bring a significant change in the optics of the conflict - mutual mistrust remained and did not disappear even after American diplomacy gave guarantees for Israel and Palestinian Autonomy. The 'road map' presented by President G.W. Bush, which was to create a broad framework for a future agreement did not lead to a breakthrough, similarly to the conference in Annapolis (November 2007). The Republican administration almost from the beginning approved the policy of the Israeli authorities and one-sided initiatives such as withdrawal from Gaza or the construction of the so-called security fence. The complicated situation aggravated further after the victory of Hamas in the election of 2006, not to mention the conflict of Israel and Hamas in Gaza at the turn of 2008/2009. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict will certainly require a more intensive mediatory involvement of the USA as part of a new American strategy towards the Near East.

19

Round-Table in Poland - Myths and Stereotypes

100%

Trembicka K.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2004

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issue 15

79-108

EN

June elections of 1989 brought to power the first non-communist Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki. It turned out that the political aspiration of the Polish society were more far-reaching than the final documents of the 'round-table' could anticipate. Regulations concerning political system have survived only several months and the then established political pattern has collapsed with new presidential elections and defeat of general Jaruzelski. Among many postulates, which were the subject of fierce battle among the participants of the round-table, only two have been realized. The new government has introduced full market economy and salary indexation.

20

THE WELFARE SPHERE AND THE CIVIC INFORMATION SOCIETY IN POLAND. THE EXAMPLE OF THE FAMILY-TO-FAMILY PROGRAMME (Sfera pomocy spolecznej a obywatelskie spoleczenstwo informacyjne w Polsce. Przyklad Programu Rodzina Rodzinie)

100%

Wojciechowski R.

Studia Polityczne (Political Studies)

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2008

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issue 22

147-188

EN

The author asks a question of substantial theoretical and practical significance; what should welfare look like to in an information- and network-based civic society? In Part I, he concisely appraises the condition of the civic society in Poland in the light of sociological and statistical research, as well as the forms of its activity, with particular emphasis on welfare activities. He points to a series of challenges faced by the civic society in the welfare sphere. He then considers whether these challenges may be met using the new information and communication technologies (ICT). In order to emphasise the force the impact of the progress in communication, driven by the development of the mass media, exerts on the civic society, he introduces the term 'civic information society' (Part II). Analysis of the interdependencies between the welfare state, the market and the civic society points to the fact that the welfare system has already changed, creating a space for new forms of welfare provision suited to the emerging information society. The examples of social initiatives based on ICT which are quoted in the article demonstrate that, in practical terms, a substantial part of this space may be developed rationally. Part III presents the 'Family-to-family programme, developed and implemented by the author. This programme, notwithstanding the need to fine-tune its details, proves that the operating mechanism of the civic support system, based on the direct actions of common people, with simultaneous restriction on the intermediating role in the transfer of assistance by the NGOs, ensures high efficiency in attaining the assumed objectives and generates social capital. The accomplishment method, based on the ICT applications, ensures high operational efficiency, while also eliciting high interest and involvement on the part of the Internauts in providing direct assistance to the needy.

Refine search results

Retrenchment in Sweden

EAST EUROPEAN QUESTION MARKS AND ATTEMPTED ANSWERS

KOSOVO (AN OUTLINE OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL HISTORY) (Kosowo (zarys historii polityczno-spolecznej))

MAĎARSKÁ MENŠINA V POLITICKOM ŽIVOTE NA SLOVENSKU (NA PRÍKLADE ROKU 2008) II. (ČINNOSŤ INŠTITÚCIÍ)

SETTLING SCORES VERSUS DENIAL. GERMAN GENERATION '68 AND THE NAZI PAST (Rozrachunek kontra wyparcie. Niemieckie pokolenie '68 wobec nazistowskiej przeszlosci)

FROM THE REAL POLITICS MOVEMENT TO THE REAL POLICY PARTY. ON THE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT OF THE 'STANCZYK' JOURNAL IN 1986-2004 (Od Ruchu Polityki Realnej do Stronnictwa Polityki Realnej. O ...zaangazowaniu pisma 'Stanczyk' w latach 1986-2004)

POLES - GERMANS: PARTNERSHIP OF SOCIETIES

THE WEST BALKANS ON THE ROAD TO AN EU ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT (THE STATE AS 31st DECEMBER 2007) (Balkany Zachodnie na drodze do stowarzyszenia z Unia Europejska)

THE NON-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE G7/G8 SUMMITS (Pozaekonomiczny wymiar szczytów G7/G8)