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Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2009
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vol. 41
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issue 6
526 – 538
EN
‘Europeanization’ is a term widely used yet hard to define, and applying existing definitions to the new EU member states poses challenges. In the context of political parties and party change, identifying direct and indirect impacts of Europeanization is complicated by the strong effects of EU conditionality. A new framework for defining Europeanization may include re-examining how parties in new member states relate to the EU as a political and economic project. The EU may affect not merely organisational structures and programmes of parties, but also the shape of the party system itself. Where accession proved problematic, as in the Slovak case, development of complex EU-related policies may be impeded, with parties less concerned with uploading policy preferences. A better understanding the nature of party politics in Central and Eastern Europe will facilitate research about how they have been Europeanized.
EN
This paper deals with bilateral relations, geopolitical strategies and normative approaches within a triangle consisting of the ‘West’, the ‘East’ and Belarus. The main focus is laid on the European Union and the Russian Federation as the key actors of the West, respectively the East. Further analysis of other Western and Eastern players’ stakes in Belarus provides a more global scope in this context. The analytical use of two models dealing with international socialisation – the rationalistinstitutionalist ‘External Incentives Model’ and the constructivist ‘Social Learning Model’ – are compared and contrasted on the basis of the European, respectively Russian Belarus- policy. Each of the following three chapters deals with one part of the triangle mentioned above. In order to give information necessary for an evaluation by the rationalist- institutionalist approach, every chapter defines strategic interests, bargaining powers and degree of influences of the actors. Societal issues, self-perception and informal relations to the other players are presented to allow a constructivist analysis. Finally, it is outlined if and how far the two models serve as an appropriate theoretical tool for a comprehensive evaluation. Furthermore, it will be asked whether these two models offer practical solutions for rapprochement within the triangle. In the context of this thesis the primary objective is to provide to recommendations and expertise for the ‘Europeanization’ of Belarus. This does however not mean that Russian interests are perceived as unjustified.
EN
This paper is the result of research conducted over several years on four Polish political parties: Civic Platform (Platforma Obywatelska ‘PO’); Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość ‘PiS’); Democratic Left Alliance (Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej ‘SLD’); and the Polish People’s Party (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe ‘PSL’). The purpose of the research was to determine whether the processes occurring within these parties as a result of Europeanization are substantial and affect their values, internal culture and organisational model. The intensity of each parties’ Europeanization was analysed in three dimensions: structure and organisation, political agendas, and culture. The research encompassed a period of ten years, spanning from before Poland’s accession to the EU to the most recent years.
EN
The article describes the main directions and reasons for educational migration in Europe as well as the Europeanization of the educational strategies of the young Poles. Those strategies are beginning to resemble the behavioural patterns of their peers from other EU countries. Nowadays, it is becoming more and more common for the Poles to take up studies abroad. The text provides an analysis of the official data about educational migration in various EU countries and a description of the author’s own research among Polish students in London based on participating observation, interviews and questionnaires. Official data about educational migration in the EU indicate that students often take up university studies in the states which share a border with the sending country. In consequence, they can keep being mobile and frequently change their place of residence. They increase their chances in the labour markets of both countries and they do not make hasty assumptions as to their country of settlement. Moreover, the analysis of the Poles studying in London indicates that educational migrants are prepared to look for a job not only in the sending country and the country of university study, but also in other European countries. The migrants educated abroad can apply for more attractive jobs in Europe, and thus they are better prepared and more prone to Europeanization or to making proper use of the EU rights connected with free movement of persons, services and capital. Their career perspectives are not limited to the sending country and the country of university study, but include also vocational projects in other EU countries. The example of the Poles in London shows that educational migrants constitute a special group, different from labour migrants. They can speak several foreign languages and have had migration experience even before taking up university studies. They are either children of multinational marriages or are in relationship with foreigners.
EN
The article attempts to analyse the Polish experience relating to the integration of immigrants in a broad macro-historical context, mainly European. The article starts with the presentation of the theoretical conceptions of integration. Next, different challenges of the European socio-historical context of integration and integration policies in Europe are presented. Subsequently, the concepts and practices of the integration in Poland as well as the present state and the prospects of development of the field are discussed in relation to internal and external conditions. The text shows the integration of immigrants as affected, on one hand, by Europeanization and globalization, and on the other, by the Polish special circumstances linked both to a wider social context and to the characteristics of the immigration to Poland.
6
88%
Sociológia (Sociology)
|
2008
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vol. 40
|
issue 6
495-513
EN
Analysing the effect of policies and discourses on multiculturalism, one of the popular buzzwords of 'Europeanization' among the elites in Central and Eastern Europe, the paper investigates the way as once proscribed ethno-religious group can become a commoditized national minority valued for its exotic and distinctive 'culture'. To explore this ethnification process, the paper examines the public events that suppose to strengthen multiculturalism in the peripheral region of south-east Poland. Instead of multicultural pluralism, not necessarily related to the major identification with ethnicity, however, one can observe that nations are becoming key definition categories for cultures. The paper argues that this ethnification of culture represents the wider trend of concealing rather than eliminating nationalist logics in the use of 'culture' in post-peasant Eastern Europe undergoing 'Europeanization'
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2014
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vol. 46
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issue 4
412 – 433
EN
This paper suggests that Europeans need to treat both territorial and symbolic borders as specific cultural forms which enable to exercise and practise cross border communication. Such communication should allow for a better understanding of differences rather than constructing and perpetuating them. The notion of active border is introduced as a nexus of the Europeanization of public spheres and identities. Active border is interpreted as a border which supports and produces both public criticism and social integration without generating antagonism towards those from “over borders”. Contrary to active border, passive border entrenches stereotypical negative identities, cognitive foreclosures, and creates a significant hindrance in positive identities formation. The concept of active border contributes to the broad sociological context of Europeanization and trans/national public spheres and identities formations in which questions about cultural change and plurality should be discussed and in which the concept of active border offers the novel interpretative perspective. Among others, the paper draws inspiration from Edwards Shils’ typology of collective identities, Erik Erikson’s concept of identity formation, Gerard Delanty typology of cultural encounters.
EN
The text analyzes the discourse on sovereignty in the Czech politics in the light of current processes of the transformation of sovereignty caused by the globalization and Europeanization. The authoress discusses the dispute between liberal-conservative critics of the European integration and cosmopolitan critics of the sovereign statehood and points to the limits of both positions. It is argued that the conservatives who warn against the loss of sovereignty in the ongoing process of Europeanization and who call for the protection of the Czech statehood cling to an obsolete and invalid concept of sovereignty that is no longer adequate to changing social and geopolitical conditions. Similarly, it is pointed out that the defenders of cosmopolitan Europe who take sovereignty to be an old and useless category hindering the process of democratization are unable to offer an alternative capable of responding to growing concerns regarding the democratic deficit and the loss of political autonomy. The text tries to show that both positions misconstrue the challenges of globalization and Europeanization for the state and democracy.
EN
The article draws on the theory of reflexive modernisation (Beck, Giddens) and suggests that the crisis of the welfare state in Europe is triggering a need to strengthen European civil society. Following this idea it is argued that there are pathological elements in the process of the formation of European national identities currently (previously) under way, wherein the constructions of identities are prevailingly negative. It is suggested that Europeans need to maintain and foster feelings of mutuality and belonging in order to protect achieved economic welfare, political liberties, and cultural diversity, and to increase their political and cultural capacity to tackle the challenges of globalisation. First, the author examines the context of identity formation within the process of modernisation, and second, he discusses the arguments put forth in Erik Erikson's well-known theory of identity formation, in order to explore the preconditions, forms, and possibilities of political identity formation within the EU, especially the dynamics between the public sphere and identity-forming processes.
EN
In this paper I analyze the materialization and public debate over the “Polish Migration Policy – current stage and the recommended actions” document, and the parts regarding the integration of immigrants in particular. I apply a neoinstitutional theoretical framework which allows me to conceptualize the mechanisms of the Europeanization process, and show that the integration policy is mainly developed by imitating the instruments promoted by the European Commission. I study imitation by applying the notions of translation and editing. This allows me to understand how the imitated model is adapted in the local context. The non-governmental organizations which commented on the document perceived the European model as suited for imitation. The public debate over the “Migration Policy of Poland” contributed to further strengthening and adaptation of the imitated model.
11
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The Europe Trap

63%
Lud
|
2012
|
vol. 96
31-491
EN
This paper takes a critical approach to the “anthropology of Europe” by warning against the treatment of this pseudo-continent as a culture area or Kulturraum. Drawing on the author’s own field research during and after socialism, primarily in South-East Poland but also in Hungary, the paper argues for the contingent, constructed nature of territory-based collective identities in general. Even the primary differentiating criteria of language and religion do not always permit the drawing of sharp lines. Polish ethnographers once had trouble in defining the exact boundaries of a territory they called Łemkowszczyzna and unwittingly found themselves drawn into politics in the process. Similarly, ethnographers of Europe today should be wary of politicians who reify an identity that does not yet exist as a focus of emotional belonging, and link it tendentiously to certain “norms and values” which are allegedly different from those of neighbors. The last section of the paper focuses on issues of historical memory. The revival of older nationalist narratives after the demise of socialism made it imperative to find supra-national antidotes. But as with European identity, invocations of a “European memory” must be approached critically by anthropologists who, by paying close attention to local circumstances, can show how events are refashioned into powerful narratives at multiple levels. These processes were more complex under socialism than is usually admitted, and contestation has become more overt since. In addition to ongoing processes of minority identification among the Lemkos, the paper notes how the freedoms of the new civil society in Przemyśl were exploited by veterans’ groups to foment opposition to the Ukrainian minority and frustrate its attempts to reassert an east Slav presence in that city. It is too soon as yet to speak of a harmonious European memory in the Polish-Ukrainian borderlands.
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