Search results - CEJSH

1

Jewish public libraries in interwar Poland

100%

Biesaga M., Kisilowska M.

Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi

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2019

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vol. Tom specjalny: Dla Niepodległej / Special Issue: For an Independent Poland

153-167

EN

This article presents the genesis and the organizational structure of the Jewish public libraries (also referred to as secular or modern in the literature) in interwar Poland (1918-1939). The origins of these institutions date back to the 19th century and are associated with the Haskalah movement. Due to the strong opposition of the Orthodox Jews and local authorities, the majority of the first libraries were established secretly and run illegally on private premises. Against what were then the odds, progress prevailed and the libraries flourished in the interwar period. In 1937 it was estimated that there were approximately 1,000 Jewish public libraries in Poland.

2

Problémy socialistické modernizace hnacích vozidel ČSD 1945‒1980

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Kužel P.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2016

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vol. 24

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issue 1

253-267

EN

Although bold ideas at the end of the 1950s foreseeing the end of steam railway locomotion did not pan out, motorisation and electrification did become fundamental concepts of the generously conceived modernisation of Czechoslovak State Railways (ČSD) after the Second World War. Turbinisation, which was one of the alternatives to the programmes mentioned, was not taken forward. Mazutisation was more of a regressive – emergency – programme. Militarisation relating to the existence of power blocs reminds us still today of the division of the country into a north and south part, each covered by different electric locomotive systems. Locomotives manufactured by domestic industry, in particular Škoda Plzeň and Českomoravská-Kolben-Daněk (ĆKD) were unrivalled in East Europe from the 1950s to the 1980s, despite the lack of high quality material available, and were comparable to Western products in terms of quality. Not only are their newest models mainstays of railway transport within the Czech Republic and Slovakia, but many of the locomotives and railcars have only recently come out of operation, or are still being used, sometimes even after fifty or more years of service.

3

Má Bohéma. Meze a možnosti historikova soudu

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Hanuš J.

Historie – Otázky – Problémy (History, Issues, Problems)

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2017

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vol. 9

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issue 2

72-80

EN

The study analyses the Czech Television series Bohéma from the perspective of a historian and draws attention to the issue of its genre with an unclear definition. The production follows on a thin boundary line between the trashy, fiction with a historical background, and a work of history, posing a challenge to a historian and asking questions about our relation to historical memory and its instrumentation.

4

Kształtowanie księgozbiorów bibliotek publicznych na Dolnym Śląsku w okresie powojennym (do roku 1975)

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Szocki J.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia ad Bibliothecarum Scientiam Pertinentia

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2012

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vol. 10

107-123

EN

The article is concerned with the history of the public libraries of Lower Silesia in the postwar period. The upper time limit for the presented analysis and reports is the year 1975, when the administrative reform changed the territorial structure of the voivodeship libraries. Within the 30 years after the war, the libraries of Lower Silesia gathered a wide collection of both fiction and non-fiction books, as well as the documents of social life. The structure of the libraries collections was adjusted to the needs of the readers from the different regions of the country. Thanks to those virtues, public libraries had a chance to become an important element of their towns’ cultural system. Accommodation facilities allowed for active participation in education processes and served the development of the social life.

5

WEGE DES GARTENGEDICHTS UND DER NATURLYRIK IM 20. JAHRHUNDERT

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Wolting M.

Germanica Wratislaviensia

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2011

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vol. 133

37-51

EN

The nature poetry of the 20th century contains illustrations of the natural elements, the daytimes and seasons, the plants, the garden, the colors and light, but also after the Second World War in the increased size the reflections, fears, moods, desires, beliefs, both political as well as social or ecological provenience.

6

K činnosti a aktivitám Stredo- a východoevropského výboru pri Európskom hnutiu v rokoch 1948–1953

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Švík P.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2014

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vol. 22

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issue 1

203-223

EN

Except for Vladimír Goněc’s studies on Hubert Ripka’s activities in the aftermath of the WWII or Jan Wszelaki’s group proposal for an Eastern European Schuman Plan, neither Czech nor Slovak historiography paid significant attention to the concepts of Central and Eastern European integration developed by the exile circles in the Western countries after 1945. A striking point here is that these plans, in most cases, did not originate from the respective national exile groups, but were rather a result of interplay between these. Furthermore, the mutual interchange had to be often managed from without by the “unbiased” mediators. These used to be the sympathetic Western politicians, political entrepreneurs or donors. At the end of 1940s and in early 1950s, the Central and Eastern European Commission of the European Movement was one of the most important platforms for such an interaction. While focusing on the Commission’s activities, this article outlines its institutional linkages and composition as well as draws attention to the plan of Central and Eastern European integration worked out within this body at the turn of 1950s.

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Rola kobiet w akcji plebiscytowej na Warmii, Mazurach i Powiślu w 1920 roku

100%

Daniluk J.

Prace Literaturoznawcze

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2020

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issue 8

71-84

EN

The year 2020 marks 100 years since the plebiscite which decided about the belonging of Warmia, Mazury and Powiśle to Poland. The purpose of this article is to show women’s involvementin the plebiscite, both in the period immediately preceding it and throughout its duration. Their activity of selfless work for the homeland will be illustrated by means of diaries and press materials.The period prior to the 1920 plebiscite was probably the most difficult time for the inhabitants of these lands, caught up in a silent national, religious and social struggle. The role of the representativesof the Polish national movement during the plebiscite was the first manifestation of women’s involvement in the matters of Polish statehood.

8

Powrót MELiSa. Ideologizacja bibliotek publicznych w świetle dokumentów archiwalnych z lat 1956–1958

100%

Dróżdż A.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia ad Bibliothecarum Scientiam Pertinentia

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2012

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vol. 10

139-150

PL

Niedługo po XX Zjeździe KPZR nastąpiły zmiany destalinizacyjne we wszystkich państwach „bloku socjalistycznego”. Biblioteki publiczne okaleczone akcjami oczyszczania księgozbiorów z dzieł podlegających natychmiastowemu usunięciu na próżno upominały się o ich zwrot w Centralnym Zarządzie Bibliotek Ministerstwa Kultury i Sztuki (pisma nr 1–4). Na początku 1958 roku bibliotekarzom rozesłano Wskazówki w sprawie postępowania z drukami zbędnymi (pismo nr 5), zabraniające pozbywania się podstawowych dzieł Marksa, Engelsa, Lenina i Stalina. Bibliotekarzy ponownie starano się wykorzystać w propagandowej grze prowadzonej przez ideologów Polski Ludowej ze społeczeństwem

9

Trampské osady v kontextu neformální architektury

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Pohunek J.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

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2018

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vol. 105

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issue 4

399-423

EN

This paper presents the issues of architectural and spatial development of tramp settlements and campsites during the 20th century, with an emphasis on how the use of these sites changed depending on the degree of their formal recognition. It places this type of sites and buildings into the wider context of informal architecture research, and also discusses how the official recognition of such sites was related to changes in ownership and privacy perception.

10

Funkcje społeczne „wrogiej propagandy pisanej” w latach 1965–1975 na przykładach z archiwum krakowskiej bezpieki

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Konieczna M.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis Studia ad Bibliothecarum Scientiam Pertinentia

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2012

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vol. 10

124-138

EN

Many of the operational reports concerning so-called „enemy written propaganda” are still in the archives of the Cracow security forces. The most of such cases come from the late 1960s and early 1970s. The preserved materials are a testimony of the growth of the anticommunist opposition for bold actions in 1976 and later. Leaflets distribution, writing on the walls, sending anonymous letters were those spaces of freedom that were willingly cultivated by the defiant. The inscriptions were written on the walls, trains and trams, the leaflets were scattered in the streets, in the parks, dormitories, cafés, the anonymous letters were sent. The collected testimonies of the anonymous street slogans against communist government show how grand organisational problem they were for the officers of Security Service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Rising social opposition soon resulted in strikes and riots in Radom and establishment of the first legal opposition

11

Schriftsteller in Anwaltsroben. Die literarische Rhetorik von Kazimiera Iłłakiewiczówna, Thomas Mann, Stanisława Przybyszewska und Jakob Wassermann in der Polemik um die Prozesse gegen Rita Gorgon und Philipp Halsmann

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Pilipowicz A.

Colloquia Germanica Stetinensia

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2013

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issue 21

69-84

EN

The paper is an attempt to show the humanism of the writers who, in various texts (letters, articles and poems), took stance on the issue of the trial of Rita Gorgon, who was accused of the murder of her employer’s daughter, and the trial of Philipp Halsmann, who was accused of the murder of his father. Since these murders had not been fully clarified, the accused were not considered unequivocally guilty by the writers, which was a starting point for the postulate to lodge an appeal against the sentence.

12

Dobové pojetí tradice na základě přístupu vybraných osobností českého národopisu/etnografie (Karla Chotka, Viléma Pražáka, Drahomíry Stránské, Jaroslava Kramaříka a Antonína Robka)

100%

Soukupová B.

Národopisný věstník

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2025

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vol. 42_(84)

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issue 2

85-101

EN

This study analyses the conception of tradition through the work of key figures of ethnography before World War I, in the interwar period, and after World War II. It argues that tradition whether associated with rural or urban environment has always been politicised. In the interwar period, tradition was used to support the identity of Czechoslovakism, while after the February coup in Czechoslovakia, it was employed to promote the vision of a socialist society. During that time, traditions began to be categorised as either progressive or reactionary (bourgeois, outdated). Ethnographers of the interwar period focused primarily on folk costumes, customs, and folk art which they aimed to purify of non-original deposits and preserve as long as possible – supported by tourism, academic interest, and festivals. Socialist ethnography viewed such interest as superficial and emphasized the “true content” of traditions, interpreting it as a popular form of resistance against national and social oppression. As a result, attention was paid to workers´ institutions and folk chronicle writing. According to ethnographers of the socialist era, traditions were to be studied and understood, but not revived.

13

Wkład dwudziestolecia międzywojennego w ewolucję polszczyzny

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Woźniak E.

Poradnik Językowy

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2020

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vol. 775

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issue 6

7-21

EN

The object of this paper is the extent and dynamics of language changes in the interwar period. The rebirth of Poland in 1918 and the resulting sociopolitical and cultural transformations caused major changes in the use of Polish as compared to the period of the Partitions. The process of language unifi cation, in particular on the phonetic plane, accelerated in the new conditions. The interwar period set the language development directions as regards word formation, namely expansion of acronyms, use of surnames as the derivation basis, and creation of hybrid structures with prefi xes and other elements of foreign provenance. The interwar period’s contribution to the evolution of the Polish language is internationalisation of vocabulary on the one hand and its Polonisation on the other hand. The ground-breaking nature of the period 1918–1939 is evidenced also by the multiplication of the lexical resource of the language. The unappreciated role the interwar period played in the evolution of Polish needs to be verifi ed and exposed in the periodisation of the history of language.

14

Dyplomacja PRL wobec kryzysu karaibskiego w 1962 roku

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Kieć K.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2020

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issue 106

157-189

EN

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the head of Polish diplomacy at that time, Adam Rapacki, considered the Caribbean Crisis to be extremely dangerous for Poland. It was due to the fact that Warsaw maintained good economic relations with Washington. Since establishing diplomatic relations with Havana, relations between the Polish People’s Republic (PPR) and Cuba had developed slowly. From 1960, PPR was forced to help Cuba, while not drawing any benefits from exchange trade. Larger commitment to improve relations with Castro’s regimes was forced by Moscow. Poland was the last member of Eastern Bloc to establish relations with Havana. The United States of America reacted to these events in an extremely nervous manner. The administration of President John Kennedy threatened to cancel economic cessions granted to Poland. In this context, Adam Rapacki’s visit to Havana in June 1961 seemed provocative from the USA point of view. British diplomacy, however, interpreted the Polish minister’s speech at the University of Havana differently and maintained that Rapacki was careful not to offend the United States of America. Moreover, the Foreign Office believed that he was forced to make this foreign visit. When the Cuban Missile Crisis began, the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs tried to avoid any actions that could be seen as provocative by U.S. Navy forces, conducting a naval blockade of the island. The USSR did not inform its allies about the plan of placing the missiles on Cuba, which testified to the lack of sovereignty of the PPR and other Eastern Bloc states. The Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not make any active moves regarding the crisis, but still tried to obtain the most reliable information on the events. The most informed person was PPR’s ambassador in Washington, while those in Havana and Moscow had incomplete data. In addition, after the biggest threat of the outbreak of thermonuclear war has passed, it was the PPR that provided information about Fidel Castro’s critique of Moscow’s position towards the crisis.

PL

Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych oraz ówczesny szef polskiej dyplomacji Adam Rapacki uważali kryzys karaibski za niezwykle groźny dla Polski. Wynikało to z faktu, że Warszawa utrzymywała dobre relacje gospodarcze z Waszyngtonem. Od czasu nawiązania relacji dyplomatycznych z Hawaną stosunki między PRL a Kubą rozwijały się wolno. Od 1960 r. PRL była zmuszona okazywać pomoc Kubie i nie czerpała zysków z wymiany handlowej. Szersze zaangażowanie na rzecz poprawy stosunków z reżimem Castro było wymuszone przez Moskwę. Polska jako członek bloku wschodniego nawiązała relacje z Hawaną najpóźniej ze wszystkich krajów wchodzących w jego skład. Na wspomniane ruchy Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki zareagowały w sposób niezwykle nerwowy. Administracja prezydenta Johna Kennedy’ego groziła cofnięciem cesji gospodarczych udzielonych Polsce. W tym kontekście wizyta Adama Rapackiego w Hawanie w czerwcu 1961 r. wydawała się z punktu widzenia USA prowokacyjna. Inaczej wystąpienie polskiego ministra odebrali brytyjscy dyplomaci, którzy utrzymywali, że podczas przemówienia na Uniwersytecie w Hawanie Rapacki starał się nie obrażać Stanów Zjednoczonych. Dodatkowo Foreign Office uważało, że został on zmuszony do złożenia owej wizyty zagranicznej. W momencie, gdy rozpoczął się kryzys rakietowy na Kubie, polskie MSZ starało się za wszelką cenę uniknąć działań, które mogły zostać odebrane jako prowokacja przez siły US Navy, prowadzące morską blokadę wyspy. O zamiarach dotyczących rozmieszczenia pocisków atomowych na Kubie ZSRR nie poinformowało swoich sojuszników, co świadczyło o braku suwerenności PRL oraz innych państw bloku wschodniego. MSZ nie podejmowało żadnych aktywnych ruchów w tej kwestii, ale starało się pozyskać najbardziej wiarygodne informacje na temat rozgrywających się zdarzeń. Najlepiej poinformowany był ambasador PRL w Waszyngtonie, a jego odpowiednicy w Hawanie i Moskwie mieli niekompletne dane. Dodatkowo, po ustaniu największego zagrożenia związanego z wybuchem wojny termonuklearnej, to PRL przekazywała informacje o krytyce Fidela Castro kierowanej wobec Moskwy, a dotyczącej kryzysu.

15

Současná řecká krajní pravice v historické perspektivě

88%

Karasová N.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2015

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vol. 101

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issue 2

357-385

EN

This study attempts to contextualize the issue of contemporary Greek farright political movements within a broader historical background and identify the basic differences in the ideological orientation, political goals, and methods of “traditional” and contemporary forms of the extreme right in Greece. Since approximately the year 2000 it has been possible to trace an unprecedented rise to power of far right groups (considered within the context of recent Greek conditions) on the Greek political scene. On the basis of analysis of primary sources in the form of materials published by the political parties investigated, and with the help of a great amount of secondary literature, the study should illuminate the ways in which the issues that the present-day far right parties reflect in their platforms have changed in comparison with the past. At the same time, the author of this article aims to answer the question of why, since the year 2000, there has been such a significant revival of far right politics in Greece, how the new extreme right wing parties arose, and from what they derive their legitimacy.

16

Pozemková reforma jako "spravedlivé" vypořádání se s aristokracií v Československu pohledem soudobých pramenů

88%

Hrdinová L.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2019

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vol. 27

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issue 2

115-130

EN

Land reform was one of the most important acts of the First Czechoslovak Republic. It formally completed the democratic state system, in which all citizens were equal and all had the same opportunities, thus helping to ease social extremes. On the other hand, this particular act had an impact on one whole social group of the population, no matter the justifications that were made for it using historical or socio-political arguments. Although political declarations regarding land reform made no mention of former members of the aristocracy, but rather landowners, the idea of owners of large areas of land being former aristocrats resonated strongly within public opinion, with these members of the nobility representing one of the linchpins of the old system, and also being German, thus representing a natural enemy of the new republic.

DE

Die Bodenreform war eine der wichtigsten Maßnahmen der ersten Tschechoslowakischen Republik. Formal vollendete sie die demokratische Staatsordnung, in der alle Bürger gleich sind und die gleichen Gelegenheiten haben, und trug damit zur Milderung der sozialen Extreme bei. Andererseits traf die Republik mit diesem Akt eine ganze soziale Bevölkerungsgruppe, auch wenn sie sich bemühte, dies durch historische oder gesellschaftlich-politische Argumente zu rechtfertigen. Obwohl in den politischen Erklärungen in Zusammenhang mit der Bodenreform nicht von Angehörigen des ehemaligen Adels gesprochen wird, sondern nur von Großgrundbesitzern, bestand in der öffentlichen Meinung die starke Vorstellung von den Eigentümern großer Landgüter als ehemaligen Aristokraten, Vertretern einer der Stützen der alten Staatsordnung, Deutschen und somit ganz natürlich Feinden der neuen Republik. Ich habe versucht, diese Hypothese mit einigen Ausschnitten aus zeitgenössischen Dokumenten zu beweisen, ob nun ihre Verfasser zu den Sympathisanten der Bodenreform gehörten oder im Gegenteil die gewählte Form der Veränderung des Grundstücksbesitzes in der Tschechoslowakei kritisierten. Es ist interessant, dass sich nach Ablauf der Zeit der größten revolutionären Stimmungen, in der ein stark adelsfeindlicher Zug der öffentlichen Meinung zu erkennen war, die Situation soweit konsolidierte, dass in der Gesellschaft erneut Hochachtung vor den Vertretern der ehemaligen adeligen Schicht erwachte. In ihren Folgen war auch die Bodenreform nicht so weitreichend und streng, wie es in ihren Anfängen erschien. Der Großteil der konfiszierten Grundstücke ging im Lauf der 30iger Jahre an die ursprünglichen Eigentümer zurück. Bei einigen Großgrundbesitzern hinterließ wahrscheinlich der Prozess der Bodenreform trotzdem das Gefühl einer großen Verbitterung. Es ist die Frage, in welchem Maß diese Erfahrung zu ihrer eventuellen späteren Neigung zur Ideologie des Nationalsozialismus führte. Auch dies ist ein Studiengebiet, das noch detaillierter erforscht werden sollte.

17

Česko-moravská pobočka Hlavního rasového a osídlovacího úřadu SS, 1941–1945

88%

Novotný R.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2015

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vol. 23

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issue 2

157-219

EN

RuSHA’s Bohemia & Moravia branch was a key tool in the Nazis’ Germanisation policy against the Czechs. Its mission originally involved the undertaking of a race survey of Czech children in order to ascertain the proportion of the population who were ‘Germanisable’ in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The result was to be of key importance for planning the Germanisation of the Czech lands. The branch soon acquired competencies in race selection and as such became an advisory body of the occupational administration in matters of citizenship, mixed marriages, admitting Czech pupils to German schools, acquiring Czech experts for Germanisation, and also anti-Jewish policies. Over the mere four years it operated, the originally small workplace gradually grew into a complex body with an internal structure of many branches. The authority’s activities had to be significantly restricted during the final months of war, with ever more RuSHA employees leaving for the front.

18

Narodowościowa przynależność prawosławnej społeczności warszawskiej Pragi przełomu XIX i XX w.

88%

Sawicki k. D.

Rocznik Teologiczny

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2011

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issue 53

123-136

EN

The second half of the nineteenth century was a period of dynamic development in Warsaw’s district of Praga. Along with industrial development, trade and transportation came a sharp increase in the population of Warsaw – from 260 000 in 1864 to 900 000 in 1914. The population of Praga rose from a several thousand to 90 000. Orthodox Christians made up 13% of the population of the district, around 15 000. These Orthodox Christians, however were not made up of one nationality. At the turn of the twentieth century, 70% of Orthodox Christians in Praga were of Russian decent or from the eastern borderlands (Kresy) with Russian sounding last names. 15-20% were “native” Poles with Polish last names. The remaining 10-15% were Greeks, Bulgarians and Georgians. These are of course approximate figures, however only 50% of local Orthodox Christians considered their native language as Russian. This leads us to conclude, that the percentage of non-Russian nationalities among the Orthodox could only account for half of the faithful. Just prior to the outbreak of the Second World War, about 5 000 Orthodox Christians lived in Praga. 60% were Russians or from the eastern borderlands with Russian last names, 30% “native” Poles and 10% other nationalities.

19

“And to be malicious and belligerent / And not to lose feminine features”: Zuzanna Ginczanka’s Satirical World

88%

Olech K.

Czytanie Literatury. Łódzkie Studia Literaturoznawcze

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2019

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issue 8

255-266

EN

The paper reflects on how Zuzanna Ginczanka, dubbed ‘Tuwim in a dress’ by Adam Ważyk, was finding her way – both as a woman and, above, as a poet – in the literary, cabaret world of Julian Tuwim, Jan Lechoń, or Antoni Słonimski. The paper focuses on the satirical output of the poet, which is why the author chose two works – namely Pochwała snobów (In Praise of Snobs) and Damskie kłopoty (Feminine Trouble) – as the basis for the analysis.

20

Druhé parlamentní volby v poválečném Maďarsku v roce 1922 – usměrnění volebního práva ve prospěch Bethlenovy vládní Jednotné strany

88%

Tóth A.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2013

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vol. 21

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issue 2

31-80

EN

The study summarizes the issue of adaptation of the right to vote in interwar Hungary at the occasion of the second Parliamentary election of 1922 by the government of Count István Bethlen in favor of the United Party (Egységes Párt) established by him. The study analyzes the issue of adaptation of the right to vote from autumn 1919 that was standardized in the end only at the level of a government decree and not by a law passed by the National Assembly even in 1922. The adopted new rules of the right to vote are summarized in comparison with the right to vote from November 1919 that was passed under the so called Concentration Cabinet of Károly Huszár but they had been defined under István Friedrich’s government administration already. The form of the pre-election political scene of Hungary at the beginning of 1922 is summarized as well. The election results are described in detail by individual parties or political directions and the description of the social composition of the second postwar Hungarian National Assembly, again in comparison with the first term of office of the temporary legislative assembly of so called Horthyan Hungary is included, too.

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