Search results - CEJSH

1

IMPORTANCE AND CONTRIBUTION OF AGRICULTURE TO THE NATIONAL ECONOMY OF POLAND BEFORE AND AFTER ITS ACCESSION TO THE EUROPEAN UNION (1994-2016)

100%

Czakowska H., Czakowski D.

Roczniki Ekonomiczne Kujawsko-Pomorskiej Szkoły Wyższej w Bydgoszczy

|

2018

|

issue (11)

11-19

EN

The article attempts to determine the importance and share of the agricultural sector in creating thenational economy in Poland. The survey covered the years 1994-2016 and was carried out from the perspectiveof two subperiods: pre-accession (1994-2003) and post-accession (2004-2016). To achieve the goal, the shapingof the share of agriculture in the creation of global production and gross domestic product is presented anddiscussed. The development of the share of investment outlays and the value of assets involved in theagricultural sector and the percentage of people employed in agriculture in relation to employment in all sectorsof the economy was also examined. The data used in the work came from the Central Statistical Office. Toachieve the intended research goal, among others dynamic indexes, which were used to compare the phenomenain question over time and average annual values of particular parameters, calculated using the arithmetic mean.Based on the conducted research, a gradual decline in the share of the agricultural sector in creating value in thenational economy was observed, consistent with the global tendency for developing countries

2

LABOR MARKET AND EMPLOYMENYT MIGRATION WITHIN THE EUROPEAN UNION

80%

Olak A., Olak K.

Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje

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2017

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vol. 27(27)

165-174

EN

The issue of migration is a growing phenomenon. It has its source in mundane social causes, working conditions, personal as well as political circumstances. After joining the European Union and the Schengen area, new labor markets were opened for the Poles. This raises many opportunities, but also challenges and threats for emigrants and citizens of the countries to which they go. Trends in the world and in Europe represent the majority of seasonal or time trips. Poland is also becoming an increasingly attractive country for paid work, especially for the citizens from the eastern border of the country. Migration is an important aspect of the European integration, which has a huge impact on economic development, primarily reflected in the labor market.

3

The Determinants of the Polish Presidency in the EU – 2011

80%

Master B.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2011

|

vol. 29

199-224

PL

Prezydencja w Unii Europejskiej podkreśla i wyróżnia znaczenie państwa w zintegrowanej Europie. Niemniej, ostatnie zmiany traktatowe pociągnęły za sobą dość istotne zmiany w funkcjonowaniu tej instytucji. Zmianie uległo samo rozumienie tego pojęcia, jej funkcje i metody działania, a to także wpłynęło bezpośrednio na kształt modeli. Jest to szczególnie ważne dla Polski, która w lipcu 2011 roku przejmie na pół roku przewodnictwo w Radzie. Nowe warunki działania stanowią zarówno szansę, jak i wyzwanie. Artykuł przybliża oblicze prezydencji i jej roli zarówno przed Traktatem z Lizbony, jak i bezpośrednio po nim oraz bada możliwości działania, jakie po tych zmianach stoją przed państwami sprawującymi prezydencję, w tym przede wszystkim Polską. Autorka analizuje uwarunkowania, mocne i słabe strony tego państwa oraz ocenia proces przygotowań do sprawowania tej funkcji.

EN

Chairing the Council of the European Union underlines the importance of the state in integrated Europe. However, the recent amendments to the Treaty have given rise to significant changes in the functioning of this institution. Our understanding of this concept as well as of its functions and methods has changed. This is particularly important for Poland, which in July 2011 will take over the half year presidency. The new conditions of operation pose both opportunities and challenges. This article presents the model of the Presidency and its role both before the Treaty of Lisbon and immediately after it. It also discusses the ability of countries holding presidency, especially Poland, to handle these changes. The author examines the conditions, strengths and weaknesses of Poland with respect to exercising this function.

4

Structural Similarities of the Economies of the European Union

80%

Grodzicki M.

Equilibrium. Quarterly Journal of Economics and Economic Policy

|

2014

|

vol. 9

|

issue 1

93-117

EN

From the point of view of the consequences of European integration, similarities of economic structures of member states are of high relevance. The main objective of the paper is to analyse how those similarities looked like in the period of 1970-2006 for EU15 and in 1995-2006 for EU25 countries. The analysis consists of two stages and refers to the similarities in employment composition between three sectors of economy, and also between subsectors of manufacturing and services – distinguished on the basis of their technological advancement and knowledge intensity. In the first step, on the basis of the EU-KLEMS database, a measure of structural similarity, Krugman specialization index, was calculated for all pairs of EU countries. Observation of its values points to an ongoing homogenization of EU15 economies and of their manufacturing structures, but also to an increase in differences of knowledge intensity in services. In the broader sample of EU25, de-spite an ongoing economic transition, no significant homogenization of structures was observable. As the second step, a cluster analysis was conducted, which allowed for identification of development patterns in the sample of European countries.

5

Внесок країн Веймарського трикутника у систему європейської безпеки

80%

Русова О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2014

|

vol. 4

39-45

EN

“Weimar triangle” has appeared as a political and diplomatic configuration in 1991, reflecting the new geopolitical situation in the region of Central and Eastern Europe after the ending of so-called “velvet revolutions”. After the collapse of the Soviet camp and the USSR, all these countries had to seek the new partners and alternative forms of interaction. The main foreign reference-point was the political integration with EU states. The active engagement of Poland into these processes, as one of the biggest countries of “new Europe” according to a number of population and a scale of territory, became the main task of Europe. The appearance of the new geopolitical formation, gave the opportunity to the Germans and French to keep the Poles within the bounds of the negotiation process and constant dialogue, exercising control of the reforms in the fields of Warsaw foreign and international policy in the 90s. The main goal was reached and Poland became a full-right member of the EU in May 2004. Due to the strengthening of french-german-polish ties, the project “Weimar triangle” gradually is asserting itself as the subregional actor, which can exert the influence on the politics of the EU. This is proved by the enlargement of form of the triangle interaction, and its transformation into “Weimar triangle+” with the participation of Spain and Italy. Taking into account the political heft of “Weimar triangle”, the cooperation of these three states in the defence area raised in importance. During last ten years Poland, France and Germany initiated a great number of the different project in this direction: “Weimar brigade” – organized with the aim to carry out the joint EU operations and the coordination of the civil and military components; the constant negotiations with Russia, discussing its role in the system of the European security and other European integration processes; the collaboration with Northern European states (Ghent initiative) and the setting up of the project “Polling and Sharing” in order to use the finances for the military needs. But one of the main obstacles on the way of realization of all its projects is that all EU member-states now came very close to the creation of the collective military potential and have to delegate some of their sovereign rights to the competence of the specialized EU institutions. As a consequence, it can lead to the split between the opponents and supporters of the Common Foreign and Security Police and could temporary suspend the integration processes in this sphere.

6

Rząd RFN wobec idei integracji zachodnioeuropejskiego rolnictwa i budowy Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej w latach 1949–1969

80%

Janicki T.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2014

|

issue 4(353)

197-218

EN

One of the most complex processes in the history of the EEC was to create an institutional and financial basis for Common Agricultural Policy. Advocated by France, the integration of European agriculture on the one hand was perceived in the FRG as a threat to the existence of hundreds of thousands of German farms, and on the other hand as a valuable bargaining chip for achieving fundamental objectives of its foreign policy in the 1950s and 60s, that is, to overcome international isolation and integrate politically and economically with the West. The article presents motives and decisions made by the FRG authorities with regard to the ideas of Western European integration of agriculture and the subsequent stages of the construction of the CAP in the years 1949-1969. Politicians of the CDU and the CSU responsible for managing agricultural affairs were slowing down the integration process of the agricultural market of the EEC acting under the pressure of a protectionist approach of the German Farmers' Association. Eventually however they were forced to agree to the creation of the CAP and its costly organizational and financing processes. West German agricultural policy was an integral part of general foreign policy and the consent to the creation of the CAP was the price that the FRG agreed to pay in exchange for the opportunity to implement their fundamental political and economic objectives, even though it limited possibilities of internal agricultural policy, was expensive for the budget and weakened the political influence of the CDU / CSU in the rural environment.

7

FINANCIAL ANALYSIS OF PRODUCERS ON THE AGRICULTURAL MARKETS IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 2004-2016

80%

Czakowska S., Czakowski D.

Roczniki Ekonomiczne Kujawsko-Pomorskiej Szkoły Wyższej w Bydgoszczy

|

2018

|

issue (11)

257-266

EN

The aim of the article is to examine the financial situation and efficiency of producers on the basic agricultural markets (farms), through the prism of eight financial and economic indicators such as productivity of individual production factors, level of profitability and cost-efficiency of production. The considerations were conducted for farms specializing in the production of basic agricultural products, such as: cereals and oily, root crops (including potatoes and sugar beets), fruits, vegetables under cover, beef, pork, chicken, cow's milk, chicken eggs. On the other hand, the comparison of the financial results achieved with the Hellwig's development pattern method enabled to determine which types of farms were the most effective in the post-accession period. The research used data from the Farm Accountancy Data Network. The results of the research proved that in the period after the accession to the EU (2004-2016), the financial situation and effectiveness of farms specializing in the production of poultry and eggs were in the best shape.

8

Integracja europejska ukraińskich instytucji badawczych: perspektywy wykorzystania funduszy UE

80%

Zakharchuk Y., Koterlyn G., Khomyn M.

Przedsiębiorstwo i Region

|

2012

|

issue 4

98-102

EN

The goal of this article is to present perspective of using European funds in Ukrainian research institutions. Effective cooperation of Ukraine with the European Union in the direction of research will foster the intensification of political and economic relations, the use of new mechanisms to stimulate research and development of public awareness of the importance of science for the development of society. Coordination of joint research interest is added by the integration of Ukraine (by creating a single space science and technology) with the European Union. Of particular importance is the fact that the mutual benefits of the research programs.

9

Proces Berliński i jego znaczenie z perspektywy polityki zagranicznej Polski

80%

Podgórzańska R.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2020

|

issue 1 (374)

251-273

EN

Since the 1990s many formats and initiatives for stability and security of the Western Balkan states have emerged, which include a broad array of support instruments. One of the formats of cooperation involves the Berlin Process, which increasingly affects the Balkan reality. A number of political factors determined Poland’s joining in the mechanism. The aim of the paper is to identify and systemize them as well as analyse the importance of this initiative from the perspective of Polish foreign policy. It has been assumed that after 1989 due to the focusing of Polish diplomacy on the pursuit of strategic interests, the area of Southeast Europe, the discussed Western Balkan states included, was located at the margin of Polish foreign policy. The temporary increase in the activity of Polish diplomacy towards the region did not mean its appreciation from the perspective of Polish foreign policy but resulted only from a search for ways to boost the efficiency of implementation of its guidelines. What is more, modification of emphasis in the foreign policy after Poland’s accession to the European Union did not result in a modification of the Western Balkans’ position from the perspective of Polish interests. Taking the above into account a question arises about factors that determined the enhancement of Polish activity towards and for the region, an example of which includes joining in the mechanism of the Berlin Process. At the same time one needs to examine the forms and character of Polish involvement, and primarily to establish what resources and what instruments were supposed to support political declarations about the need to intensify Poland’s activity towards the Western Balkans region. The paper’s main hypothesis boils down to an observation that Poland, searching for ways to ground its position as a country involved in the development of the situation in the Western Balkans, joined in the initiative of the Berlin Process motivated, on the one hand, by the pursuit of Poland’s own interests resulting from the desire to boost its impact on the course of political processes in an international dimension, while on the other, its activity was dictated by the endeavour to intensify the region’s interrelations with the European Union. The detailed hypothesis, corresponding to the adopted research assumption, boils down to a statement that Poland has not become a key country in the context of the region’s integration with the structures of EU cooperation. Therefore, postulating the EU “open door” policy for years, regardless of its resources and capabilities, Poland became involved in various mechanisms supporting the expansion process. The main research methods used in the text include an institutional and legal analysis, a critical analysis of documents and the literature of the subject, and the comparative method.

10

European Universities Initiative – a Policy of Scientific Cooperation on the Basis of Transform4Europe and The 4EU+ Alliance

80%

Skalmierski K. M., Czernicka Z.

Political Preferences

|

2023

|

vol. 31

|

issue 1

47-64

EN

The motivation for the analysis is the European Year of Skills 2023 announced by the European Commission. The mian purpose of the article is to show the problems of the contemporary functioning of European science cooperation policy. Knowledge in a broad sense, including scientific and expert knowledge, is increasingly important in the process of political decision-making. The article presents the evolution of the approach and spread of the European Uniosą activity in the internal and external dimensions of its science policy. The authors analyzed the operational tools of European Union’s (EU) scientific cooperation, which include the European Universities Initiative, Erasmus+ and Horizon Europe programs. The following research methods were used to achieve this goal: case studies, statistical analysis and analysis of sources such as policy documents, normative acts, university rankings, available scientific literature and Internet sources. The subjects of the study are "European universities" – members of alliances: Transform4Europe and The 4 EU+ Alliance, subjected to qualitative and quantitative analysis.

11

Efekt Balassy-Samuelsona a pogłębienie integracji krajów Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej z Unią Europejską

80%

Kotliński K.

Pieniądze i Więź

|

2012

|

vol. 15

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issue 3(56)

124-132

EN

In the public discussion about a possible Polish accession to the euro zone, there are concerns about rising inflation due to the Balassa-Samuelson effect. Skeptics put the thesis that the Balassa-Samuelson effect will increase after the adoption of a common currency. The article dispels these concerns on the basis the theory, review of previous studies and Author’s own studies. Balassa-Samuelson effect is relatively small and declining over time. After the Polish accession to the EU it is lower than before accession. In the countries of Central and Eastern Europe that already have the euro, it expired after the adoption of a common currency. Concerns about the Balassa-Samuelson effect increase in the light of theoretical and empirical research are not justified. Reducing the Balassa-Samuelson effect does not exclude the emergence of inflationary impulses from other sources.

12

Die Anfänge der Europäischen Integration – erste Bemühungen um kollektive Sicherheit in Europa

80%

Schelle K.

Security Dimensions: International & National Studies

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2013

|

vol. 10(10)

67-71

EN

At first sight, the idea of European integration seems to be an entirely modern matter. If we talk about it, it is most likely in frames of decades, or utmost (considering the change of millennium) we talk about it as a matter of the last century. However, we can undoubtedly find roots of European integration far earlier – namely in the period when Roman Empire was forming not only the disposition of Europe, but also the history of a part of the African and Asian continent. Although motivations of those, who inspired the European integration, were different, we can also see efforts to ensure lasting peace by peace agreements.

13

International student mobility as a factor of the European integration of Ukrainian youth

80%

Kolisnyk D.

Perspectives of Innovations, Economics and Business

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2013

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vol. 13

|

issue 3

51-58

EN

The report focuses on the role of the international mobility of Ukrainian students in the process of shaping their worldview values and the gradual inclusion in the European educational and cultural context. The participation of Ukrainian students in the internationalisation of higher education is analyzed on the example of the National Mining University. The report examines the impact of the learning experience of the Ukrainian students abroad to inculcate in them a more active approach to life, intercultural skills and European values, awareness of themselves as part of a common European cultural space.

14

Ewolucja jednolitego rynku wewnętrznego Unii Europejskiej - realizacja i nowe wyzwania

80%

Kuczewska J., Stefaniak J.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2021

|

issue 3 (380)

161-176

EN

In the light of the economic development to date, the Internal Market is one of the greatest integration achievements of the European Union (EU) countries. However, the existence of barriers prevents the attainment of a full range of benefits. Therefore, subsequent strategies are initiated to ensure its effective functioning. Based on strategic and supplementary documents (reports, legal acts) of the EU institutions, as well as the literature on the subject, an attempt was made to evaluate the implementation of the existing strategies for the EU internal market. The article is a review and fills the gap in the literature on the subject by systematizing the evolution of the internal market program, while linking its subsequent stages with the assumptions of the strategy, activities and achieved results. When assessing the processes of implementation of subsequent strategies, one can notice a certain repetition of the pattern in which the opening phase of intensive activities is followed by a period of weakening of activity. Often the initial great enthusiasm and intensity of implementation of priorities end up with a waning of activities and a marginalization of the importance of the internal market in the face of new strategic economic, social and political events of a given period.

15

Relations between the Europeanization and a Development of Public Policy on the Example of Cohesion Policy

80%

Hoffmann T.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2015

|

vol. 44

112-124

EN

The article presents basic relations which happen among Europeanization and the public politics on the example of the politics of the cohesion. The author makes the broad exploration objective concepts and also postulates determined conclusions and recommendations.

16

Foreign Direct Investment and Economic Growth in Albania

80%

Kraja Boriçi Y., Osmani E.

ECONOMICS

|

2015

|

vol. 3

|

issue 2

27-32

EN

Since the 1980s, foreign direct investment inflow (FDI) has grown significantly in most developing countries while pertaining Alania, foreign direct investment has started after the 1990s. A lot of developing countries have made policies aimed at reducing FDI barriers. Foreign capital globalization, particularly FDI inflow is increased significantly in developing countries, due to the fact that FDI is the most stable and prevalent component of foreign capital inflows (Adams, 2009) Foreign direct investments are a very important factor for the development of a country and Albania has still much to be done to encourage such investments, especially in the legislative framework. The authors are trying to give the answer to the question that how does foreign direct investment in the Albania affect the nation’s economy? The authors identify that foreign direct investment improves technology and has positive impact on economic growth. Because the overall theory is that FDI inflow enhances and sustains economic growth in the host country.

17

Równowaga i integracja europejska w koncepcjach generała Władysława Sikorskiego

80%

Tyszkiewicz A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2011

|

issue 1(15)

471-486

EN

General Wladyslaw Sikorski (1881 -1943), the Prime Minister Of The Republic Of Poland (1922/23; 1939 -1943) and the General Commander Of Polish Allied Forces (1939 -1943). As an active participant of politics in the Mid – War Period he created a new vision of the geopolitical deal in the Middle Eastern Europe based on both, the Christian Democracy values the principle of a peaceful existence of nations. His attitude headed for the elimination of the imperial threat coming from Germany and the USSR and establishing the new European order where the political and economic cooperation of small countries from between The Baltic and the Adriatic Sea would become an essence of vertically – oriented alliance. Even though his vision seemed to be partly similar to the H. Mackinder’s World Island Theory, especially in the context of the role of the small nations in Europe, Sikorski managed to add some new features like the idea of Christian morality against the totalitarian barbarity or the linking all the involved national territories with the modern communication network. The Gibraltar’s crash did not mean the end of Sikorski’s conception. In a sense it gave rise to Wyszehrad’s Triangle partnership after the Iron Curtain was fallen and became crucial to the political efforts focused on Polish participation in the European Union.

18

Belgium wrestles with its identity(ies). A test lab for Europe?

80%

Dujardin V.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

|

2015

|

issue 6(37)

25-33

EN

In this paper the author reconsiders the approach taken by Belgian politicians, working to promote European integration, vis-à-vis the question of European identity, roots and values, as well as their attitude towards European political objectives. We compare these views with those of French authors or politicians. Finally, we examine the current issues surrounding Belgian identity, caught between the French-speaking community and the increasingly strong Flemish identity. By way of a conclusion, I shall try to show how Belgium, with its identity- related issues, is sometimes presented as a ‘test lab for Europe’, as it was in the past, in completely different contexts, in 1921 at the time of the BLEU (Belgo- Luxembourg Economic Union) and in 1944 with the founding of the Benelux union.

19

Rząd RFN wobec idei integracji zachodnioeuropejskiego rolnictwa i budowy Wspólnej Polityki Rolnej w latach 1949–1969

80%

Janicki T.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2014

|

issue 4(353)

197-218

EN

One of the most complex processes in the history of the EEC was to create an institutional and financial basis for Common Agricultural Policy. Advocated by France, the integration of European agriculture on the one hand was perceived in the FRG as a threat to the existence of hundreds of thousands of German farms, and on the other hand as a valuable bargaining chip for achieving fundamental objectives of its foreign policy in the 1950s and 60s, that is, to overcome international isolation and integrate politically and economically with the West. The article presents motives and decisions made by the FRG authorities with regard to the ideas of Western European integration of agriculture and the subsequent stages of the construction of the CAP in the years 1949-1969. Politicians of the CDU and the CSU responsible for managing agricultural affairs were slowing down the integration process of the agricultural market of the EEC acting under the pressure of a protectionist approach of the German Farmers' Association. Eventually however they were forced to agree to the creation of the CAP and its costly organizational and financing processes. West German agricultural policy was an integral part of general foreign policy and the consent to the creation of the CAP was the price that the FRG agreed to pay in exchange for the opportunity to implement their fundamental political and economic objectives, even though it limited possibilities of internal agricultural policy, was expensive for the budget and weakened the political influence of the CDU / CSU in the rural environment.

20

The Economic Determinants of the Polish (potential) Veto on the Climate-Energy Package during the EU Summit in December 2008

80%

Riedel R.

Horyzonty Polityki

|

2015

|

vol. 6

|

issue 17

89-109

EN

The objective of the paper is to shed light on the perspective of some new member states (NMS) of the European Union (EU) – in this case Poland – on the ambitious climate-energy endeavours undertaken at the supranational level. The economic consequences of implementing the most advanced plans would be to generate unproportionally high costs for the economy, energy production sector and, as a result, for the households’ budgets. From the Polish perspective it would be counterproductive in terms of the energy security concept agreed in the strategic documents defining climate and energy policies in the 2030 time horizon. Despite the justification and rationale of the European climate crusade, the political and economic costs for some member states are high enough that they do not hesitate to threaten to veto in the EU Council meeting. This paper answers the question as to why the Polish veto on the climate-energy package was a real threat during the EU energy summit in December 2008.

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