W opracowaniu Obraz islamu w polskim czasopiśmiennictwie misyjnym badaniom poddano polskie, katolickie czasopiśmiennictwo misyjne po II wojnie światowej (zawarte w nich zagadnienia dotyczące islamu). Najpierw prawie 30 czasopism podzielono na podgrupy badawcze: 1) niskonakładowe popularne czasopisma misyjne; 2) wysokonakładowe popularne czasopisma misyjne; 3) popularnonaukowe czasopisma misyjne; 4) naukowe czasopisma misyjne. Następnie z wykorzystaniem metody historycznej analizy prasowej przeanalizowano zawarte w nich artykuły dotyczące islamu. Efektem badań była próba przedstawienia uogólnionych wniosków. W popularyzujących czasopismach misyjnych niewiele jest artykułów dotyczących islamu. W artykułach misjograficznych islam przedstawiany bywa negatywnie jako prześladowca chrześcijan. W artykułach popularnonaukowych są zarówno monografie, studia porównawcze międzyreligijne, artykuły dotyczące dialogu międzyreligijnego, jak i opracowania misjograficzne. Obraz islamu na łamach tych czasopism jest bardziej neutralny. Najbardziej obiektywny obraz islamu ukazują czasopisma naukowe.
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The essay presents an overview of the articles about Islam published in Polish missionary magazines since the end of the Second World War. There are nearly thirty missionary magazines, which can be divided into four categories: 1) low-circulation for general public; 2) high-circulation for general public; 3) popular science; 4) academic. The method of historical analysis leads to the following, general conclusions: Magazines targeted at general public treat Islam in a rather cursory manner. Their missiographics usually perceive it in a negative way, as a persecutor of Christianity. Popular science magazines tend to espouse more neutral beliefs. They publish monographs, comparative essays, articles about interreligious dialogue and missiographic essays. The most objective image of Islam can be found in academic publications.
The process of globalization and its outcome, has an impact on indigenous culture in different aspects. One of this is, close contacts with the world wide great religions of Christianity and Islam. Christianity which sometimes functions within the system of inculturation tried to adapt more native elements of culture for interpretation of religion as well as its doctrine; on the contrary the concept of Islam is the opposite. Islam in Africa appears to be the indigenous religion, easy to understand its contents and adapt it. The case of adaptation of Islam is very high. This religion has a great distractive influence on the indigenous African culture and tradition. In my opinion, cultivation of cultural model of refugee is the question of conscious choice and not sudden circumstances. I think, mostly the refugee community tried to protect their culture and mainly escape from the invasion Islam; on the other hand, concerning the work of missionaries in relation to refugees, previously it was only limited to contacts with hunters of slave traders. The hypothesis is that, people with strong personality and culture, based on deep roots of history and tradition protected their land from infiltration of Islam for a long time. These people are the refugee people. Islam among the peoples of refugee people has always been thought as the element of alien, difficult to adapt even today, most of them still defend the full infiltration of this religion.
Chad is a country located on the border of the three great religions of the world - Islam, Christianity and traditional religions, also known as the animism. All of them have played some significant role in the history of that country, firstly involved in the beginnings of the empires of Sahel, notorious process of slave raids, subsequently associated with colonization and growing European interests in Africa, the 20th century's civil war and finally connected to the vanguard of the „war on terror". The article presents the history of the three religions in Chad and their influence on politics and society. For several hundred years Islamic domination over the followers of the other religions has caused frictions and contention. The religious differences have indirectly been responsible for the 25-year long conflict, followed by thousands of casualties. In the final part of the article the author depicts the contemporary state of inter-religious affairs and attitude of the government towards the religious issues. Due to some joint attempts of the government of Chad and international society, the religious differences and flashpoints are believed not to pose such a threat to peace and stability as it had been before. Despite of its unfortunate location in the „clash of civilization" region, Chad may set a good example that the peaceful co-existence of Islam and Christianity is possible.
In contemporary Republic of South Africa (RSA) religion plays very important role for citizens. Christianity is predominantly religion (about 75-80 per cent) but Islam is regarded as the fastest and the most expanding religion. The official figures of about 650.000 Muslims are neglected and it is estimated that Muslim community is estimated for two million. The number of converts especially among Africans are growing rapidly. Most of contemporary Muslims in the RSA are descendents of Malays and Asians. The socio-political and economic transition since 1994 seriously impacted the community in negative sense (unemployment, high crime rate, homeless, poverty etc.) but also gave incentive to "turning to the core" of Islam. Muslim organizations protested against abortion, prostitution and pornography and developed their own institutions. Contemporary Muslim community in the RSA is very well organized. They posses a network of hundreds of religion, social and political institutions. With foreign aid new mosques are built or old churches and synagogues are adopted to new faith. They have their own schools, theological institutes, mass media (press, radio, television, Internet), insurance companies and banks. The community is becoming an intellectual center of Muslim world. In political sphere, the Muslim community is not so active. Some Muslim political parties contested in the election on parliamentary, provincial and local levels but with no significant results (except participation of Africa Muslim Party in an election to the Cape Metropolitan Council). Since 1994 in every South African government persons from Muslim community, sometimes without link to faith, participated. Muslims are members of the Parliament and provincial and local governments. In the 90's particular activity showed radical Muslim organizations, some of them even denied the democratic elected authority or called for armed Islamic Revolution and carried out bomb attacks (e.g. PAGAD Fundamentalists did not gain support from the Muslim community). Unquestionable majority of Muslims in the RSA respect highly the values of democracy which gave them possibility to develop religion life of the community.
„Der Spiegel" is one of the most influential weekly magazines of German spoken countries. It has an edition of over one million copies. About seven million people read it weekly, while the Internet edition of „Der Spiegel" („Spiegel Online") is visited over 60 million times a month. Articles, which are published in „Der Spiegel", concern different issues of the modern society: policy, economy, science, culture and religion. The following article is a reference to the situation of Islam in the modern Africa in the light of publications from „Der Spiegel" which were published from 2000 to 2003. It is a conscious choice. The event of the 11th September 2001 makes here some kind of a time axis. The Spiegel journalists, who write on Africa, concentrate mainly on political, economic and social questions while the religious reality of the African Islam they consider superficial. It is worth mentioning, that the African Islam is not presented in the white-black way. They show the present situation in Africa under the influence of different factors among which the tribal (clan) structure is one of the most important. The western society often underestimates this social situation in Africa.
Islam as a religious term is quite unclear when we talk about its principles in Western Africa. This region is a specific example of overlapping influences, religions, cultures and ideas. Potentially, in the context of New York 2001 dramatic events, 'Africa should answer' as S. Huntington describes it in his famous work. African presence was completely surprising, when it showed its own way of treating Osama Bin-Laden and the Fundamentalist theory. Mixture of influences for ages gave this part of continent a special kind of tolerance and „ecumenical" co-existence of cultures and religions. In such conditions, Black Muslim, self-created by the natural fitting and the dialog with the local tradition, worked out its own rules and religious standards. The article tries to describe the designates of common Muslim behaviors in the context of contemporary African everyday life. As the support, the author uses the rules of five pillars of Islam: Shahada (Profession of Faith), Salat (prayers), Zakat (Giving of Alms), Sawm (Fasting during Ramadan) and Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca). These five practices are essential to Sunni Islam which is the base of Black Muslim. The result of the reflection is the statement of diversity and heterogeneity of the African Islam. Islam's rules, principles and duties were confronted with the power of traditional religions and cultures and this confrontation gave the African Islam a new face - totally inhomogeneous and full of local, specific solutions. While considering the character of Black Islam one should speak about its duality found between "bush" and "scholar" versions. Scientists talk about the exceptional, autonomic character of religious activities. The sources of observations and opinions are confirmed by the interviews collected during the scientific expeditions organized by Municipal Museum in Żory, where the author works.
India’s political coherence largely depends on New Delhi’s ability to build a system of cross-cultural compromises among various communities. While the Muslim minority has lived and prospered in India for more than one thousand years, its relations with the Hindu majority have not always been harmonious. The partition of India in 1947 became a political reference point for many radical politicians interested in inciting communal conflicts that bring them political gains. Indian Muslims remain an ethnically and ideologically divided community and have not succeeded in setting up one political party in independent India. They are usually represented by regional parties in different states, but in all-India elections they frequently vote en bloc for the Indian National Congress, which is commonly perceived as a secular party opposed to extremist Hindu ideology. The author briefly analyses the history of Indian Muslims, presents the political consequences of the “Two Nations” theory and explains the reasons behind inter-religious clashes in contemporary India, predicting that the position of Indian Muslims will become a subject of fierce political debate in the years to come.
India’s political coherence largely depends on New Delhi’s ability to build a system of cross-cultural compromises among various communities. While the Muslim minority has lived and prospered in India for more than one thousand years, its relations with the Hindu majority have not always been harmonious. The partition of India in 1947 became a political reference point for many radical politicians interested in inciting communal conflicts that bring them political gains. Indian Muslims remain an ethnically and ideologically divided community and have not succeeded in setting up one political party in independent India. They are usually represented by regional parties in different states, but in all-India elections they frequently vote en bloc for the Indian National Congress, which is commonly perceived as a secular party opposed to extremist Hindu ideology. The author briefly analyses the history of Indian Muslims, presents the political consequences of the “Two Nations” theory and explains the reasons behind inter-religious clashes in contemporary India, predicting that the position of Indian Muslims will become a subject of fierce political debate in the years to come.
Islam has been an important element legitimising the political power of Malay sultans since its arrival to the Malay Peninsula at the beginning of the 16th century. In late 18th and 19th century it became a crucial factor—alongside the institution of the monarchy and oral tradition (adat)—shaping and preserving the identity of the nation colonised by the Europeans. The 20th century brought the development of Islam conceived also as an ideology of radical dissidents—an ideology of contesting colonial society, racially alien immigrants from China and India, moral corruption prevailing in sultans’ courts and in government circles. The increasing openness of Malays to the world has contributed to a progressive breakdown of Islam into two hostile streams.
Tematem publikacji jest rola kobiet muzułmańskich w życiu politycznym i społecznym. Przedstawione zostały pierwsze kobiety w islamie, które odegrały ważną rolę w polityce. Na przykładzie wybranych krajów muzułmańskich opisano obecność kobiet w rządach tych krajów i stopień ich zaangażowania w politykę. Omówione zostały czynniki, które wpływają na wzrost roli kobiet na arenie politycznej oraz te, które ograniczają ich udział w życiu politycznym i społecznym. W artykule znajduje się odpowiedź na pytanie, czy wysoki wskaźnik PKB ma wpływ na zaangażowanie kobiet w życie społeczne i polityczne.
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The topic of those publication is the role of Muslim women in political and social life. Presents the first women in Islam, which played an important role in politics. Presents some Muslim countries and the presence of women in the governments of these countries. It describes the degree of their involvement in politics. Discusses the factors that affect the growth of the role of women in the political arena and those that limit their participation in political and social life. You’ll find the answer to the question whether the high rate of GDP has an impact on women’s involvement in social and political life.
Bezpośrednim celem zamachowca-samobójcy nie jest wyłącznie doprowadzenie do własnej śmierci, ale spowodowanie możliwie jak największej liczby ofiar wśród społeczności potencjalnego przeciwnika. Śmierć samego wykonawcy potęguje uczucie strachu, ponieważ dowodzi pełnej bezkompromisowości zamachowca oraz jego gotowości do złożenia największej ofiary w postaci własnego życia. Planując zamachy terrorystyczne, terroryści liczą przede wszystkim na efekt psychologiczny, a jest dużo większy, gdy dokona go kobieta, w wielu tradycyjnych środowiskach przestawiana jest, jako istota bezbronna, delikatna, niezdolna do wyrządzenia krzywdy. Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie zjawiska islamskiego terroryzmu samobójczego kobiet, na wybranych przykładach, który zobrazują cechy wspólne i rozbieżności kobiet – samobójczyń z różnych środowisk.
EN
The direct objective of the suicide bomber is not only to bring their own death, but to cause the largest possible number of casualties among the community of potential adversary. The death of the executive intensifies the feeling of fear, because it shows complete intransigence of bomber and his willingness to submit biggest sacrifice in the form of his life. When planning terrorist attacks, the terrorists are counting primarily on the psychological effect, and it is much greater when made by woman, in many traditional environments identified as vulnerable, fragile, unable to harm. Article aims to describe the phenomenon of female suicide Islamic terrorism, on selected examples that clearly show similarities and differences among female suicide bombers in the various communities.
According to the author of the legal opinion, the current provisions of the 1936 act, which apply to the Muslim Religious Union, became outdated after the Second World War. This state of affairs was aggravated by the entry into force of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and by the conflict existing within the Union. In the author’s opinion, it should be acknowledged that the situation that has arisen is already ripe for the creation of a new statute in this regard.
The Western focus on ‘Islamic feminism’ takes two extreme forms: it is often dismissed as an oxymoron for attaching a religious (patriarchal) adjective to an emancipatory feminist project, or it is hailed as a road to a liberal, reformed Islam. Many Muslim feminists refuse to use this term; some reject feminism outright. There is consequently a tension within the term that many Muslim women activists acknowledge. In order to gain a better understanding of how religious and secular discourses combine in ‘feminism in Islam’, this text aims to examine the place of religion in women’s emancipatory strategies. When we look at the history, strategies, discourses, and especially at the concept of ‘religion’ Muslim women activists and thinkers deal with, a complex landscape emerges. ‘Islam’ ceases to be a reference to a given religious paradigm but becomes itself a contested terrain, one with religious, but also political, legal, and institutional actors. Theological, hermeneutical, post-foundationalist, reformist, legal, and social activism all envisage ‘Islam’ from different perspectives and locate the discriminatory aspects they resist in different fi elds of the Islamic paradigm or practice. The aim is to explore the meaning and practice of ‘feminism in Islam’ while taking a critical approach to an essentialist understanding of both Islam and Islamic feminism.
The article discusses the life and thought of a prominent Iranian philosopher of the Safavid times, Ṣadr ad-Dīn Muḥammad aš-Šīrāzī, commonly known as Mulla Sadra. The first part of the article presents a short biography of the philosopher, informed by both autobiographical sources and the state of research on his life. Then, the main principles of Sadra’s philosophical system are analyzed – the affinity of his ideas to the long tradition of philosophical reflection in Islam, in particular to that of Shī‘ī thinkers, is demonstrated. The last part of the article discusses the philosopher’s rich oeuvre, especially his magnum opus entitled Al-Ḥikma al-muta‘āliyya fi-l-asfār al-‘aqliyya al-arba‘a (Al-Asfār), or “The Transcendent Theosophy in the Four Journeys of the Intellect”. The article is the first broader attempt in Polish scholarship to give an account of the life and works of this great philosopher from Shiraz, a thinker who had a decisive influence on almost all the subsequent tradition of the Shī‘ī philosophy in Iran. The article is supplemented by the translation of Author’s famous Prologue to Al-Asfār.
By the early 1990s there were clear signs of the emergence of a new gender discourse that came to be labelled ‘Islamic feminism’. In this paper, I fi rst set this new discourse against the backdrop of the global and local politics of Islam and gender in the latter part of the 20th century. Then I introduce the work of feminist scholar-activists who argue for equality and justice from inside the Muslim tradition, outline how they seek to change the terms of traditional Islamic discourses on gender, and consider their prospects of success. I shall focus on Musawah (www.musawah.org), a global movement for equality and justice in the Muslim family.
The object of this paper is to analyze the Koranic symbolism of water in the light of the Islamic conception of nature as well as God’s attributes and His attitude towards His creatures. According to the Qur’an, God made from water every living thing. Rain, rivers, seas, streams and springs are signs and manifestations of God’s existence in the universe. Water is also regarded as one of God’s favors on His servants. There are numerous Koranic verses relating water as a vehicle of penalty both in the wordly life and in the hereafter. In the Koranic eschatological descriptions, it also appears as God’s reward for believers in paradise.
The incumbent government of the Justice and Development Party (Turkish - Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) has often been accused of pursuing an Islamic agenda, particularly in its foreign policy, due to its concern shown for restoring Turkey`s bonds with the Muslim countries broken off by the Kemalist regime. The post-Arab spring political developments in the neighbouring countries and Turkey embarking on religious discourse in approaching them, particularly in the cases of Egypt, Palestine, and recently Syria, have further solidified such arguments. Keeping these debates in mind, this paper aims to elaborate the actual weight Islam carries in Turkey’s AKP era of foreign policy and what such policy entails. This paper argues that Turkey’s confident use of religion in foreign policy cannot be simply defined as an “Islamic foreign policy’”, and neither can its foreign policy be disassociated from religion’s constitutive role. From the Turkish perspective, Islam manifests itself as two distinct but partly overlapping and sometimes contradictory practices, namely Islamic Internationalism and Turkish Islam. While the former refers to Turkey`s responsibility towards Muslim communities on the basis of the ummah, the latter refers to promoting the performance of Ottoman/Turkish Islamic practices abroad against the expansion of extremist ideology. In the first instance, Turkey is blamed for supporting religious extremists, yet in the second Turkey fights against extremism. Therefore, “Islamic foreign policy” being used to equally describe these two distinct policies is not helpful but rather blurs the issue and is based on a biased position.
Muridiyyah is a mystical Muslim movement originating in Senegal. Since the royal system was dismantled, Sheikh Ahmadou Bamba offered a spiritual, religious and non-violent systems to fill the gap. He founded many more settlements Daara to welcome his new disciples into Muridiyyah. These were places of gathering and learning. There people were gathered together to learn not only about the percepts of Islam and Sufism, but also received apprenticeship in trade and agriculture. One can say that the Muridiyyah differs little from the contemporary Sufi orders, but Sheikh Ahmadou Bamba places a unique emphasis on the concept of work. This is why he is frequently quoted as saying, "Work as if you would never die, and pray as if you were to die tomorrow and work is a part of religion". Touba, a city founded by Sheikh Ahmadou Bamba in 1887, is the capital of Muridiyyah. The architectural design, the construction material as well as the financial resources are all provided by the Murid community. The fast evolution of the city and the high rate of continuing urban development draw fascination to people across the globe. Muridiyyah is founded on the following pillars: The first pillar is a fundamental one, the bearing of witness that there is no god but Allah and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah and the keeping up of prayer and the payment of zakat and the pilgrimage and the fasting in Ramadan. The second one is the relation between man and his wife, his children, his environment and the whole of mankind. Man has to strive for the economic, social and cultural advancement of his fellow countrymen. This is what Sheikh Ahmadou Bamba denotes as Khidma (service to the community). For him it is more meritorious to live in a community helping each other. The concept of Khidma is central in the thoughts of Sheikh Ahmadou Bamba. The final pillar is Al-Ihsan, Ihsan means to worship Allah as if you see Him; for if you see Him not, surely He see you. The adherents of Muridiyyah are growing all the time among highly educated people, who find a satisfaction in the Thoughts of Ahmadou Bamba. This brotherhood does not have an analogue in other Muslim countries. It has a very important signification for the biggest part of the Senegalese people, not only in their religious live, but also in their social and professional live. There for Muri-diyyah is the basis of the Senegalese identity in this globalizing world.
Residents of the area known as the Orient are characterized through the prism of stereotypes operating for years. Researchers’ works focus mainly on the traditions, yet omit from the analyses the legal and cultural conditions. Primarily of interest and analysis are the Muslim minorities living in Europe, instability in the Middle East and North Africa, and economic issues. Often the subject touched upon is the position of women in Islam, and the studies begin the discussion on both the West and the Arab World. The text is intended to outline situation of family and rights of each member of family, which are contained in the constitutions of the individual states, or the ones that stem from the Muslim law. For the purposes of this text, various Arab countries has been selected where the system has a different shape.
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