Search results - CEJSH

1

Państwowe fundusze majątkowe jako instrument polityki zagranicznej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej

100%

Kamiński T.

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2015

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issue 3

79-92

EN

Sovereign wealth funds (SWF) are widely perceived as politically biased, and this paper argues that in China they are not only biased but principally serve as instruments of foreign policy. The text examines ways in which the Chinese use their SWFs, analysing Chinese SWF investments in terms of value as well as geographical and sectoral distribution (on the basis of SWF Institute Transaction Database). Also presented are the methods of SWF use to promote Chinese foreign policy goals: checkbook diplomacy, greater influence, leverage on third countries, access to sensitive information and building a positive image of China in the world.

2

Modernizacja Sił Zbrojnych Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej

63%

Adamiec P.

Forum Politologiczne

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2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

EN

It is beyond doubt that contemporary China is a superpower in many aspects. China's economic growth has been increasing for many years now, some experts say that is also becoming a military superpower that may soon dominate the world and challenge America. Is this true? My task will be to answer this question during my research through comprehensive analysis of all basic areas connected with the power of the modern army. My research shows the changes that took place in the Chinese army throughout the last decade: ranging from changes in the officer corp, through changes affecting the army as a whole, to changes that are directly connected with the approach to a common soldier. My research is especially focused on analyzing the technological revolution that took place in the PLA over the last few years in the fields of army, air forces, as well as marine and strategic forces. Moreover, my goal was to compare all the mentioned changes with the trends that one can observe worldwide. All this gives the opportunity to build a correct view of the actual PLA potential, which in fact is still quite low, in spite of all the fast modernization. It seems that the PLA still remains a «paper tiger» that will not be able to threat the global position of the US, at least over next decade.

3

Punctuation: Its Use in China and Elsewhere

63%

Bodde D.

Rocznik Orientalistyczny

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vol. Rocznik Orientalistyczny, T. 47, Z. 2 (1991)

4

Strategia regionalna Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej

63%

Sokala P.

Forum Politologiczne

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2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

15-46

EN

With a staggering growth of Chinese economy seeming a permanent feature of the years to come, the question of enhancement of the People’s Republic of China regional posture and its influence over the whole international system is becoming one of the major challenges of our time. In recent years many notable authors have observed a success of Chinese official’s efforts to improve the relations with the neighbours and all the major world powers. Starting from the role played by China in the regional security architecture of East Asia and its historical background, this paper analyses the latest developments in Chinese policy towards the region in the broader context and tries to identify the China's strategy and its potential risks and benefits for the international community. The author argues that in spite of potential drawbacks the process of gradual integration of PRC into the existing world order have moved dramatically ahead and tries to explain the intentions hidden behind Beijing's regional and global political initiatives.

5

China’s One Belt One Road Initiative as a support of EU’s European Neighborhood Policy

63%

Żukrowska K.

Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu

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2017

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issue 486

129-140

EN

The article looks into prospects of closer cooperation between China and the EU in area of the two policies which are launched by the actors in question. Those policies are One Belt One Road (OBOR) and European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). It discusses the two policies and visions which are covered in the two initiatives, what is followed by indicating common elements of the two and differences in interests. The assumption is that the two: China and the EU are engaged in external aid which stimulates growth, nevertheless their initiatives are different and they offer other things to the countries which they concern. Moreover they also can be seen as mutually supplementing each other, rather than competing.

6

Balancing ASEAN, the U.S. and China: Indonesia’s Bebas-aktif Foreign Policy in the 21st Century

63%

Wnukowski D.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 4

115-137

EN

At the beginning of the 21st century, Indonesia was still in a period of transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic state. The weaknesses of its political and economic structures hinder the country’s development. During the tenure of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s (popularly called “SBY”), which began in 2004, Indonesia’s young democracy has become stronger and its economic potential has begun to be tapped. This has prompted growth in the country’s capacity and willingness to play an active role in international politics, mostly regionally, but also with considerable moves having been made on the global stage (for example, joining the G20 forum). Indonesia’s approach to changing international conditions is driven by the bebas-aktif (“free and active”) principle, which has been at the core of Indonesian foreign policy for more than six decades. This paper examines the historical background of the bebas-aktif principle and how Indonesian foreign policy has been conducted in the 21st century, especially during SBY’s tenure, given the main elements of the bebas-aktif doctrine.

7

Azjatycka Realpolitik. Chiny i Indie w sporze o własne bezpieczeństwo i przyszłą dominację na kontynencie

63%

Kłodkowski P.

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2015

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issue 3

17-39

EN

In the 21st century Asia is commonly believed to be a centre stage player in global policies. Although China and the United States are likely to dominate in the Asian Big Game for the next decade, other players, especially India, Japan, Indonesia, Vietnam or South Korea, may exert a serious impact on the process of redefining the continental Realpolitik. The most crucial challenge for China and India is to meet their own energy security needs in the politically volatile environment, where the diversification options are quite limited. Beijing’s plans to control the strategic transportation corridors on the Indian Ocean will be opposed by New Delhi, whose energy security depends to a large extent on the Middle East. Another challenge that many Asian big players may face in the next decade is constructing a regional security mechanism that could prevent any serious military conflicts, especially in a situation when the American role in global affairs is likely to become more restrained.

8

Państwo Środka i Słoneczniki. Jak demokratyzacja Republiki Chińskiej zmienia relacje w Cieśninie Tajwańskiej

63%

Kozłowski K.

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2015

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issue 3

65-77

EN

Peaceful rapprochement between Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China observed throughout the first and most of the second term of Taiwan’s President Ma Ying-jeou have been founded on two pillars: deepening economic cooperation and high level diplomacy. The strategy was pursued predominantly in the public dimension with apparent intention to limit popular involvement in the complex negotiations, but this political practice has reached its limits. Recent political, social and economic developments in Taiwan, as reflected in the Sunflower Movement, have shown that democratic changes in the Island are too significant to be ignored in high level diplomacy and economic integration scenarios. It is time to add another actor to the cross-strait equation: Taiwanese society with its political expectations, fears and ambitions. This might exert an impact not only on the 2016 parliamentary and presidential elections in Taiwan, but also on future relations with the PRC.

9

China’s Foreign Investment Encouraged Catalogue and Negative Lists as a Tool of Foreign Direct Investment Attraction

54%

Jakubczak J.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio H – Oeconomia

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2020

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vol. 54

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issue 2

EN

Theoretical background: Due to the growing maturity of Chinese market the country needs to adjust its policy regarding foreign direct investment (FDI), i.e. to increase openness for FDI, to keep control over them in key industries and to influence their inflow in desired industries and regions. Adopting the negative-list approach and changes in both the negative list and encouraged industry catalogue provides tools for this challenge.Purpose of the article: The purpose of this article is to present how changes in China’s Foreign Investment Encouraged Catalogue and Negative Lists both in free-trade zones (FTZs) and at the national level are used as a tool for managing country’s FDI inflow.Research methods: Analysis of legal documents and reports as well as literature review.Main findings: Starting from the adoption of negative-list approach in FTZs in 2013, the negative lists had been drastically reduced both in reference to FTZs and national level. Those reductions lead to a decrease in China FDI restrictiveness index. FTZs were used as a testing area for both the negative list composition and negative-list approach itself. Negative lists allowed the state to keep control over FDI in key industries allowing, at the same time, greater freedom for foreign investors. Encouraged catalogue is used not only as a tool for attracting FDI from desired industries but also for addressing regional inequalities.

10

Ewolucja założeń i charakter pomocy rozwojowej świadczonej przez Chińską Republikę Ludową

51%

Smolaga M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2010

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vol. 11 - Chiny i państwa azjatyckie - karty z historii i wyzwania współczesności

175-213

EN

This article is an analysis of the development assistance delivered by Peoples Republic of China to the «Third World». PRC is one of the major countries in the group of emerging donor nations. The analysis shows the evolution of Chinese development co-operation from it's early beginnings (agreements with Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1950s) until present times. We can talk about 5 generations of PRC's development assistance: 1.aid for so called «socialistic» or post-revolutionary states, 2. assistance for selected nations close to PRC within the international environment, 3.bilateral development assistance for nations not included above, 4.multilateral development assistance and development co-operation with international organisations, 5.development assistance which is coherent with standards of OECD's Development Assistance Committee. All the five generations of development assistance are still being used as instruments of PRC's foreign policy. The text also shows attitude of People's Republic China towards the idea of Millennium Development Goals. The research has been restricted by PRC's reluctance to release precise information regar-

11

Spór Chin i Japonii o Archipelag Senkaku

51%

Wangrat M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

203-220

EN

The Senkaku Islands, or Diaoyutai Islands are a group of disputed, uninhabited five small volcanic islands and three rocky outcroppings. The islands are located roughly northeast of Taiwan, due west of Okinawa, and due north of the end of the Ryukyu Islands in the East China Sea. They are currently controlled by Japan, but also both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) claim that these islands fall under their respective sovereign jurisdiction. Historically, the islands are of insignificant economic value be- sides the rich fishing stock. They were mainly used as safe harbour for local fishers or navigation points so that till 1970 sovereignty over them wasn't discussed or questioned. However, a study by the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (UNECAFE) published in 1969 suggested that the seabed of the East China Sea could be one of the richest oil and gas-deposit areas in the region. It became apparent that the acquisition of territorial sovereignty over these islands might legitimise future claims to the adjacent territorial sea, and possibly to justify the creation of an exclusive economic zone under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). The direct reason for the dispute was however the fact of giving the administration over the Riukiu islands and Senkaku back to Japan (in 1972) from temporary US military administration after the WW II. Japan declined the Chine- se claims and pointed out that till the mid 1970 no such claims were laid. Additionally for both sides military (due to location it is an important point in Japanese self defence system) and political (need to show the power of the countries at realizing their national interests, claims of sovereignty over the islands raised the spirit of nationalism in both countries used by politicians) meaning of the disputed territory became clear. The claims of both sides use a variety of historical, law and other reasons. The Chinese argumentation is trying to show that its acts of prior discovery, use, and ownership of the islands are sufficient to grant it legal title and argues about the legal treaties regarding these territories asserting that Japan specifically ceded the islands to China after World War II. On the other side Japan concentrate on the facts that it claims legal possession of the islands and peacefully and continuously exercised sovereignty over the is- lands for over one hundred years also the different interpretation of the treaties is represented. Both sides present extensive documentary evidence and historical arguments to prove title to the islands and appear unwilling to negotiate any compromise. The national pride and political interest have resulted in number of protests, incidents and quarrels over these territories started mainly by Chinese nationalists to support bad feelings against Japan or to make a pressure on Japanese government. However the situation in the region, despite the lack of cooperation in this matter is stabile. The economic concurrence between the countries and their need for mineral resources make the dispute stay open and to be used in the right time (as bargain by China) but it doesn't change the fact that Japan is exercising authority over the islands. Additionally the other disputes these countries have with their neighbours make it more difficult to achieve a sati factionary result because it could influence them as the sign of weakness. It is highly possible that the dispute will stay unsolved and without causing broader tensions will be used in particular cases according to the political interests of both sides.

12

The Development of Marxist Shakespearean Criticism in China

51%

Zhang W.

Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance

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2019

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vol. 20

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issue 35

99-113

EN

Chinese Shakespearean criticism from Marxist perspectives is highly original in Chinese Shakespeare studies. Scholars such as Mao Dun, Yang Hui, Zhao Li, Fang Ping, Yang Zhouhan, Bian Zhilin, Meng Xianqiang, Sun Jiaxiu, Zhang Siyang and Wang Yuanhua adopt the basic principles and methods of Marxism to elaborate on Shakespeare’s works and have made great achievements. With ideas changed in different political climates, they have engaged in Shakespeare studies for over eight decades since the 1930s. At the beginning of the revolutionary age, they advocated revolutionary literature, followed Russian Shakespearean criticism from the Marxist perspective, and established the mode of class analysis and highlighted realism. Before and after the Cultural Revolution, they were concerned about class, reality and people. They also showed the “left-wing” inclination, taking literature as a tool to serve politics. Since the 1980s, they have been free from politics and entered the pure academic realm, analysing Shakespearean dramas with Marxist aesthetic theories and transforming from sociological criticism to literary criticism.

13

Stosunki handlowe pomiędzy Stanami Sjednoczonymi a Chińską Republiką Ludową (1979-2006)

51%

Popis-Benesz A.

Forum Politologiczne

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2008

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vol. 8 - Współczesny Daleki Wschód w stosunkach międzynarodowych - rywalizacja i mocarstwowość

405-428

EN

USA-China commercial relations can be dated as early as the beginning of the independence of the United States and had been started with so called Old China Trade. In the second half of 19th Century, USA were still kept interest in China, however their principal commitment in East Asia was emphasized on Philippines. Such approach has been changed as the result of Japanese military policy during 1920's and 1930's, when China started to be seen as potential, major ally of the United States and counterpoise to Japanese expansion in the region and foreseen candidate for principal ally in the time of Second World War and right after it. The complicated political situation on Mainland China after the seizure of the power by Communists, Taiwanese question and the period of the Cold War resulted with factual freezing of Sino-American relations. Political opening of USA at China at the beginning of 1970's as well as more liberal reforms introduced in 1978 by new political Chinese leadership with Deng Xiaoping had created necessary conditions to restore trading relations between the two nations. This paper is concentrated on development of U.S.-China trade relations in 1990's as well as at the beginning of 21C, and some predictions concerning prognosis up to 2020. The paper is also presenting how the collapse of USSR and changes in Central-East Europe have reflected on transferring of the stress in Chinese trade relations with the other countries, and particularly by turning them into global dimension specially to cooperate with EU and USA since WTO accession by China in 2001. What caused such rapid development? What is the main mutual attraction; U.S. market for China and at smaller scale Chinese market for USA? China by the all predictions may become in 2020 the only nation, which will be able to challenge USA at least on trade, and in broader sense, on economic level.

14

Changes on the Qualities of University Counsellors in China

51%

Wen L., Zheng P., Yang S.

Ethics in Progress

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2018

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vol. 9

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issue 1

174-182

EN

Counsellors are important key members in Chinese universities. In this paper, on the one hand, we compared student affairs workers’ occupational characteristics, classification and development of western as well as Chinese university. On the other hand, Chinese university faculty members and students are our subjects. Of 800 pieces circulated, 537 pieces are found to be effective. We verified the reliability and validity of data, then conducted correlation analysis, exploratory factor analysis (EFA), and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The test has good reliability and validity. Cronbach’s alpha coefficient and the split-half reliability coefficient are all above 0.9, indicating that the actual value is in good accordance with the true value. The internal alpha coefficient and the split-half reliability coefficient of each factor are all above 0.8. Χ2/df<5. GFI, AGFI, NFI, CFI, IFI,RMSEA and the other indicators are fitting, and this test meets measurement requirements. A 5-factor model is formulated based on the research results, including: moral quality; professional competence; political awareness; instructive ability; interpersonal skills. This 5-factor model reflects the evaluation of faculty members and students in universities on qualities of counsellors and transformation in their expectation for the role counsellors play as time goes by. So we summarize the qualities of counsellors are constantly changing. These changes have been constantly evolving in time, and their traits are such as: Objectivity of the times, Initiative of inner, Predictability of practice. Being well aware of the trend of this career is conducive to the formation of a sound relationship between counsellors and students, measurability for morality-oriented education, and improvement in counsellors’ overall qualities.

15

Competition Between Chinese and United States Companies in the Internet Market

51%

Bieliński T.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

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2018

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vol. 22

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issue 1

137-152

EN

World’s Internet market is dominated by the companies based in United States, but fast growing Chinese companies try to challenge them, and already took the second position. Their success is based on economies of scale and network effects gained thanks to their operations in the Chinese market. This two strategic advantages enable Chinese companies to successfully compete in the global Internet market. Research presented in this paper positively verifies hypothesis that PRC authorities contribute to the success of its companies through discriminatory practices, that do not allow foreign corporations to expand their operations in the Chinese market.

16

Działalność jezuitów w Cesarstwie Chińskim

51%

Klarecki R.

Forum Politologiczne

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2010

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vol. 11 - Chiny i państwa azjatyckie - karty z historii i wyzwania współczesności

253-274

EN

Asia was one of the main areas for Christianization. In the 15th and 16th century popes issued many bulls in which they divided the newly discovered lands outside Europe into an exclusive duopoly between Spain and Portugal. This was the beginning of the systems called Padroado by which the popes delegated to the Spanish and Portuguese kings the administration of the local Church. The most important contacts between Catholic missionaries and China Empire started in 16th century when the Jesuits reached China. In 1600 Matteo Ricci obtained from the emperor the permission to settle in Beijing. Matteo Ricci was known for his appreciation of the indigenous culture of the Chinese. He discovered that Chinese culture was strongly intertwined with Confucian values and therefore Ricci decided that Christianity had to be changed to fit Chinese culture in order to be attractive to the Chinese. This method, known as accommodation, was followed only by Jesuits and allowed them to have the most converts among Chinese people. What's more, the method allowed Jesuits to take the highest positions at the Imperial Court. Johann Adam Schall was a very successful missionary and also a trusted counselor to the emperor. He was entrusted the modification of the Chinese calendar and provision of eclipses of thesun and the moon. The emperors of China were very impressed by the scientific skills of Jesuits. That is why for over 60 years the Jesuits had been the directors of the Directorate of Astronomy. They were also entrusted different important jobs like official interpreters and translators, teachers, cartographers and even official envoys to the western countries.

17

The End of Postcommunism? The Beginning of a Supercommunism? China’s New Perspective

51%

Lü P.

Polish Sociological Review

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2012

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vol. 179

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issue 3

349-368

EN

Some scholars think that the term postcommunism is now useless because the outcomes of transition in the former state-socialist European countries have been consolidated. However, ongoing transformation in China, particularly the recent return of the influence of the state in both economic and social welfare domains, makes this country a specific model of “transition” that negates the end-ofpostcommunism thesis. I argue that even after more than two decades of moving away from the classical socialist system, postcommunism is not a redundant concept. Instead, for comparative research on EastAsia and Central and Eastern Europe, recognizing the past of actually existing socialism as well as its legacies would considerably contribute to our understanding of countries’ diverse trajectories and performances

18

Chiny w hydropolityce regionu rzeki Mekong

51%

Zaręba M.

Historia i Polityka

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2017

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issue 19(26)

61-77

EN

The Mekong is a transboundary river chich runs through China, Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. Its basin, where more than 70 mln people live, creates the lar gest inland fishery and comprises a main skurce of fresh water, also used in agriculture. But the most tempting is its hydropower potential which has been developed especially by China. The growing number of hydropower plants In the upper stretch poses a real threat for Lower Mekong basin countries. This article examines the role of China in the Mekong region and analyzes relations over the water resources between the Middle Kingdom and other riparian states. Paper indicates the main purposes of China’s hydropolitics of the Mekong river basin, its hydropolitical strategy towards this region and gives an answer whether China wants to cooperate or develop its hydropower potential regardless of consequences for Indochinese states and possible conflicts.

19

Does China’s Aid in Africa Affect Traditional Donors?

51%

Deyassa K.

International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal

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2019

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vol. 23

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issue 1

199-215

EN

China’s role as an emerging aid provider and the concept of a social plan in Africa has led to polarised responses in the West. Several say that this “productivist” strategy is much less determined by the concepts of citizenship, legal, social rights, and much more regarding building functions. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the welfare and social policy ideas that characterize Chinese aid in Africa are influencing traditional donors and becoming global. The article utilised a qualitative study that has two main components. First, a comprehensive content analysis of over 50 key Sino-African, Chinese and Western policy documents from 2000 (since cooperation between Beijing and African countries first became institutionalised). Second, there were semi-structured interviews with Chinese, African and Western stakeholders in Addis Ababa, (Ethiopia), who was directly involved in the relationship between China and Africa and related development issues. The result of documentation and interview analyses show that there are currently significant differences between Chinese and Western approaches. China has made much stronger and more explicit links between development aid and economic activity than most Western donors. The aid is usually implemented through specific projects rather than broader programs or policies.

20

Laowai und waiguoren – zur Wahrnehmung des ‚Fremden‘ in China früher und heute

51%

Aptacy J.

tekst i dyskurs - text und diskurs

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2020

|

issue 14

19-34

DE

Den Gegenstand des Artikels bildet die Wahrnehmung von Ausländern durch die Chinesen in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart. Basierend auf den in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur verfügbaren Quellen und den Arbeitsergebnissen von Germanistikstudenten der Sichuan International Studies University (Chongqing), die an den vom Autor organisierten und durchgeführten Workshops teilgenommen haben, skizziert der Autor zunächst das Problem des Fremden aus allgemeiner und chinesischer Sicht. Als Nächstes wird eine semantische Analyse der zwei diesbezüglich wich- tigen chinesischen Begriffe, laowai und waiguoren, vorgestellt, deren Denotation dem deutschen ,Ausländer‘ entspricht. Der nächste Punkt ist der Präsentation einer umfassenden Online-Umfrage gewidmet, in der die Befragten gebeten wurden, spontane Assoziationen mit (aus chinesischer Sicht) wichtigen Nationen der Welt zu nennen, bspw. mit Deutschen, Russen und Briten. Die Ergebnisse der Studie bestätigen, dass die alten Stereotype vom z. B. ‚ordentlichen Deutschen‘, ‚bewaffneten Russen‘ oder ‚britischen Kolonialisten‘ nach wie vor Bestand haben, obwohl die heutige Realität von diesen Stereotypen abzuweichen scheint.

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